TY  - JOUR
AU  - Gligić, Sanja
PY  - 2020
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1208
AB  - Tokom istorije u život Crkve prodirala je ljudska volja, želeći da se u njoj utvrdi. Od epohe imperatora Konstantina u crkvenoj svesti stasava ideja da se osnovno načelo organizacije crkvenog života nalazi u sferi prava. Međutim, za razliku od pozitivnog prava, kanonsko pravo ne predstavlja izraz volje pojedinačnih osoba ili crkvenog naroda, već su to pravila proistekla iz prirode Crkve. Pošto Crkva, kao i svaki organizam, poseduje dva načela: statičko - svoje ustrojstvo i dinamičko - svoje životne funkcije, može se sagledati odgovornost monaha u skladu sa kanonskim pravom, a može i u društvenom kontekstu. Pritom, ova načela su neodvojiva, budući da nema života bez ustrojstva niti ustrojstva bez života. Pozitivno pravo nalaže u slučaju izlaska člana iz neke organizacije, bez obzira na razlog (dobrovoljno ili po sili zakona), da svi odnosi između nje i bivšeg člana bivaju prekinuti. S druge strane, ukoliko kažnjeni monah, zbog težine izrečene sankcije, mora da napusti manastir, on i kao bivši član ostaje hrišćanin. Ovo proizilazi iz toga da krštenje predstavlja neizbrisivu činjenicu duhovnog života. U radu se pitanje odgovornosti monaha sagledava poređenjem srednjevekovnih i savremenih izvora srpskog kanonskog prava, da bi se u određenom periodu mogle uočiti promene i izveli što precizniji zaključci.
AB  - In the course of history, ecclesiastical life has been imbued by secular beliefs, embodied in human endeavour to get a strong foothold in the Church. Since Emperor Constantine's era, the idea that matured in the ecclesiastical consciousness was that the fundamental principle underlying the organization of ecclesiastical life lay in the domain of law. Nevertheless, in contrast to positive law, canon law is not an expression of the will of an individual or the congregation; instead, it comprises rules deriving from the nature of the Church. The Church, just like any other organism, is governed by two tenets: the static organization, and its dynamic life function. Thus, the responsibility of monks can be perceived either in line with canonic law or within the social context, whereby these tenets are inalienable since there can be no life without organization, nor can there be organization without life. In case a member abandons an organization, regardless of the reasons behind such action (be it voluntary or through the power of law), positive law prescribes that all ties between the said organization and its former member are to be dissolved. On the other hand, in case a penalized monk is obliged to leave the monastery due to the gravity of the pronounced sanction, he is entitled (as a former member) to preserve the status of a Christian. This point derives from the fact that baptism constitutes an indelible fact of spiritual life. This paper examines the subject matter of monks' responsibility for violation of canon law, by comparing the mediaeval and contemporary sources of the Serbian canon law, in view of identifying changes in the said period and drawing the most accurate conclusions.
PB  - Univerzitet u Nišu - Pravni fakultet, Niš
T2  - Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta u Nišu
T1  - Odgovornost monaha u pravnom i društvenom kontekstu
T1  - Responsibility of monks in the context of law and society
EP  - 262
IS  - 89
SP  - 247
VL  - 59
DO  - 10.5937/zrpfn0-28664
UR  - conv_1689
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Gligić, Sanja",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Tokom istorije u život Crkve prodirala je ljudska volja, želeći da se u njoj utvrdi. Od epohe imperatora Konstantina u crkvenoj svesti stasava ideja da se osnovno načelo organizacije crkvenog života nalazi u sferi prava. Međutim, za razliku od pozitivnog prava, kanonsko pravo ne predstavlja izraz volje pojedinačnih osoba ili crkvenog naroda, već su to pravila proistekla iz prirode Crkve. Pošto Crkva, kao i svaki organizam, poseduje dva načela: statičko - svoje ustrojstvo i dinamičko - svoje životne funkcije, može se sagledati odgovornost monaha u skladu sa kanonskim pravom, a može i u društvenom kontekstu. Pritom, ova načela su neodvojiva, budući da nema života bez ustrojstva niti ustrojstva bez života. Pozitivno pravo nalaže u slučaju izlaska člana iz neke organizacije, bez obzira na razlog (dobrovoljno ili po sili zakona), da svi odnosi između nje i bivšeg člana bivaju prekinuti. S druge strane, ukoliko kažnjeni monah, zbog težine izrečene sankcije, mora da napusti manastir, on i kao bivši član ostaje hrišćanin. Ovo proizilazi iz toga da krštenje predstavlja neizbrisivu činjenicu duhovnog života. U radu se pitanje odgovornosti monaha sagledava poređenjem srednjevekovnih i savremenih izvora srpskog kanonskog prava, da bi se u određenom periodu mogle uočiti promene i izveli što precizniji zaključci., In the course of history, ecclesiastical life has been imbued by secular beliefs, embodied in human endeavour to get a strong foothold in the Church. Since Emperor Constantine's era, the idea that matured in the ecclesiastical consciousness was that the fundamental principle underlying the organization of ecclesiastical life lay in the domain of law. Nevertheless, in contrast to positive law, canon law is not an expression of the will of an individual or the congregation; instead, it comprises rules deriving from the nature of the Church. The Church, just like any other organism, is governed by two tenets: the static organization, and its dynamic life function. Thus, the responsibility of monks can be perceived either in line with canonic law or within the social context, whereby these tenets are inalienable since there can be no life without organization, nor can there be organization without life. In case a member abandons an organization, regardless of the reasons behind such action (be it voluntary or through the power of law), positive law prescribes that all ties between the said organization and its former member are to be dissolved. On the other hand, in case a penalized monk is obliged to leave the monastery due to the gravity of the pronounced sanction, he is entitled (as a former member) to preserve the status of a Christian. This point derives from the fact that baptism constitutes an indelible fact of spiritual life. This paper examines the subject matter of monks' responsibility for violation of canon law, by comparing the mediaeval and contemporary sources of the Serbian canon law, in view of identifying changes in the said period and drawing the most accurate conclusions.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Nišu - Pravni fakultet, Niš",
journal = "Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta u Nišu",
title = "Odgovornost monaha u pravnom i društvenom kontekstu, Responsibility of monks in the context of law and society",
pages = "262-247",
number = "89",
volume = "59",
doi = "10.5937/zrpfn0-28664",
url = "conv_1689"
}

Gligić, S.. (2020). Odgovornost monaha u pravnom i društvenom kontekstu. in Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta u Nišu
Univerzitet u Nišu - Pravni fakultet, Niš., 59(89), 247-262.
https://doi.org/10.5937/zrpfn0-28664
conv_1689

Gligić S. Odgovornost monaha u pravnom i društvenom kontekstu. in Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta u Nišu. 2020;59(89):247-262.
doi:10.5937/zrpfn0-28664
conv_1689 .

Gligić, Sanja, "Odgovornost monaha u pravnom i društvenom kontekstu" in Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta u Nišu, 59, no. 89 (2020):247-262,
https://doi.org/10.5937/zrpfn0-28664 .,
conv_1689 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Gligić, Sanja
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1160
AB  - Sv. Sava, pod uticajem carigradskog (Evergetidsko-Studijskog) i Jerusalimskog tipika, poklanja srpskim manastirima Karejski, Hilandarski i Studenički tipik. Ovi crkveno-pravni spomenici predstavljaju bazu pravila o životu i neposlušanju monaha zbog čega su kažnjavani. Međutim, da bi se zaokružila celina teme crkveno-pravnih propisa o monaštvu za vreme vladavine dinastije Nemanjića (1168-1371), u radu su obrađeni Sintagma Matije Vlastara i Dušanov Zakonik, u cilju uočavanja sličnosti i razlika u odnosu na prethodno zakonodavstvo posvećeno ovom pitanju.
AB  - Saint Sava give as a present to the Serbian monasteries Typikons of the Kareja, Hilandar and Studenica under the influence of the Typikon of the Virgin Evergetis, Typikon of the Jerusalem and Typikon of the St. Theodore the Studite. These church-legal documents are the basis of the rules of life and the disobedience of monks, for which they were punished. However, in order to complete the entire topic of the church-legal regulations of monastic life and punishments for noncompliance during the reign of the Nemanjic dynasty (1168-1371), the paper deals with the two more legal documents: Byzantine Syntagma of Matija Vlastar and the the Code of Dusan, in order to see similarities and differences in relation to the previous legislation devoted to this issue.
PB  - Centar za crkvene studije, Niš
T2  - Crkvene studije
T1  - Propisi o kinovijskom životu i kažnjavanju monaha
T1  - The regulations on the mutual (coinobia) life and punisments of monks
EP  - 131
IS  - 16-2
SP  - 97
VL  - 16
UR  - conv_2703
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Gligić, Sanja",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Sv. Sava, pod uticajem carigradskog (Evergetidsko-Studijskog) i Jerusalimskog tipika, poklanja srpskim manastirima Karejski, Hilandarski i Studenički tipik. Ovi crkveno-pravni spomenici predstavljaju bazu pravila o životu i neposlušanju monaha zbog čega su kažnjavani. Međutim, da bi se zaokružila celina teme crkveno-pravnih propisa o monaštvu za vreme vladavine dinastije Nemanjića (1168-1371), u radu su obrađeni Sintagma Matije Vlastara i Dušanov Zakonik, u cilju uočavanja sličnosti i razlika u odnosu na prethodno zakonodavstvo posvećeno ovom pitanju., Saint Sava give as a present to the Serbian monasteries Typikons of the Kareja, Hilandar and Studenica under the influence of the Typikon of the Virgin Evergetis, Typikon of the Jerusalem and Typikon of the St. Theodore the Studite. These church-legal documents are the basis of the rules of life and the disobedience of monks, for which they were punished. However, in order to complete the entire topic of the church-legal regulations of monastic life and punishments for noncompliance during the reign of the Nemanjic dynasty (1168-1371), the paper deals with the two more legal documents: Byzantine Syntagma of Matija Vlastar and the the Code of Dusan, in order to see similarities and differences in relation to the previous legislation devoted to this issue.",
publisher = "Centar za crkvene studije, Niš",
journal = "Crkvene studije",
title = "Propisi o kinovijskom životu i kažnjavanju monaha, The regulations on the mutual (coinobia) life and punisments of monks",
pages = "131-97",
number = "16-2",
volume = "16",
url = "conv_2703"
}

Gligić, S.. (2019). Propisi o kinovijskom životu i kažnjavanju monaha. in Crkvene studije
Centar za crkvene studije, Niš., 16(16-2), 97-131.
conv_2703

Gligić S. Propisi o kinovijskom životu i kažnjavanju monaha. in Crkvene studije. 2019;16(16-2):97-131.
conv_2703 .

Gligić, Sanja, "Propisi o kinovijskom životu i kažnjavanju monaha" in Crkvene studije, 16, no. 16-2 (2019):97-131,
conv_2703 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Gligić, Sanja
PY  - 2015
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/874
AB  - Cilj rada je da se istraži fleksibilnost atinskog sudskog postupka za krivično delo ubistva od druge polovine V veka pre n. e. do restauracije demokratije 403. godine pre n. e, s posebnim osvrtom na slučajeve ubistva u kojima je primenjena procedura apagoge. Tradicionalna procedura atinskog krivičnog prava u slučajevima ubistva, dike phonou, bila je komplikovana i sprovodila se kao ritualni lek kojim su Atinjani pokušavali da očiste polis inficiran prisustvom ubice (miasma). Oni koji su pokretali tradicionalnu dikai često su nailazili na prepreke. Iz tog razloga tužioci su u određenim slučajevima pokretali proceduru apagoge. Ova procedura podrazumevala je da se pred Sudom jedanaestorice ispitaju lica koja su prilikom izvršenja ubistva uhvaćena in flagrante delicto ili su ubistvo izvršili u sticaju sa razbojništvom (kakouryos). Kazna se sprovodila momentalno u slučaju kada uhvaćeni ubica prizna izvršeno delo, odnosno kada je bilo očigledno da je kriv (ep'autophoroi). Međutim, ukoliko potencijalni ubica poriče izvršenje dela, tužioci su na osnovu podnete optužnice morali da pokrenu sudski postupak. Slučajevi procesuiranja Euksiteusa i Agorata u kojima je primenjena procedura apagoge svedoče da optuženima nisu presudili gnevni rođaci žrtava na osnovu samopomoći, niti su pogubljeni od strane Jedanaestorice bez prethodno donete sudske presude, što je bio način rešavanja ovakvih slučajeva u ranijem vremenskom periodu. Ovo je možda i najvažnija proceduralna primena fraze 'očigledno kriv' na osnovu koje su tužioci uspevali da se uzdrže od rešavanja spora odmazdom koja se tradicionalno smatrala opravdanom.
AB  - The aim of this paper is to investigate the authenticity of flexibility within Athenian court proceedings for the criminal acts of homicide from the second part of the fifth century until the early years in the restored democracy of 403. B.C, with particular reference to cases of homicide in relation to the procedure of apagoge. The traditional homicide procedure, dike phonou, of Athenian homicide law was a cumbersome and ritualistic remedy with which the Athenians tried to clean up the polis infected by the presence of killers (miasma). Those who prosecuted by the traditional dikai found themselves at a serious disadvantage in some respects. In such circumstances, the plant if sometimes invoked the ancient procedure apagoge. Taken strictly, apagoge was the interrogation before the competent magistrate of one taken in flagrante delicto committing certain acts or that it acts was committed by a robber (kakouryos). The magistrate was usually one of the Eleven. If a man so caught confessed, the magistrate administered at once the appropriate penalty because it was obvious that he was guilty (ep'autophoroi). If he did not, his accuser had to present to the magistrate a written indictment, on the basis of which the magistrate introduced the issue for trial. The two cases, against Euxitheus and against Agoratus, testify to implement procedures apagoge. Those cases were not resolved by self-help or summary execution by the Eleven, as might have been done in an earlier era. This was perhaps the most important procedural implication of the phrase 'obviously guilty', that parties to the agreement refrain from settling grievances by acts of retribution that were traditionally justifiable.
PB  - Univerzitet u Nišu, Niš
T2  - Teme
T1  - Procedura apagoge atinskog krivičnog prava u slučajevima ubistva
T1  - The procedure Apagoge of Athenian criminal law in homicide cases
EP  - 1378
IS  - 4
SP  - 1359
VL  - 39
UR  - conv_1789
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Gligić, Sanja",
year = "2015",
abstract = "Cilj rada je da se istraži fleksibilnost atinskog sudskog postupka za krivično delo ubistva od druge polovine V veka pre n. e. do restauracije demokratije 403. godine pre n. e, s posebnim osvrtom na slučajeve ubistva u kojima je primenjena procedura apagoge. Tradicionalna procedura atinskog krivičnog prava u slučajevima ubistva, dike phonou, bila je komplikovana i sprovodila se kao ritualni lek kojim su Atinjani pokušavali da očiste polis inficiran prisustvom ubice (miasma). Oni koji su pokretali tradicionalnu dikai često su nailazili na prepreke. Iz tog razloga tužioci su u određenim slučajevima pokretali proceduru apagoge. Ova procedura podrazumevala je da se pred Sudom jedanaestorice ispitaju lica koja su prilikom izvršenja ubistva uhvaćena in flagrante delicto ili su ubistvo izvršili u sticaju sa razbojništvom (kakouryos). Kazna se sprovodila momentalno u slučaju kada uhvaćeni ubica prizna izvršeno delo, odnosno kada je bilo očigledno da je kriv (ep'autophoroi). Međutim, ukoliko potencijalni ubica poriče izvršenje dela, tužioci su na osnovu podnete optužnice morali da pokrenu sudski postupak. Slučajevi procesuiranja Euksiteusa i Agorata u kojima je primenjena procedura apagoge svedoče da optuženima nisu presudili gnevni rođaci žrtava na osnovu samopomoći, niti su pogubljeni od strane Jedanaestorice bez prethodno donete sudske presude, što je bio način rešavanja ovakvih slučajeva u ranijem vremenskom periodu. Ovo je možda i najvažnija proceduralna primena fraze 'očigledno kriv' na osnovu koje su tužioci uspevali da se uzdrže od rešavanja spora odmazdom koja se tradicionalno smatrala opravdanom., The aim of this paper is to investigate the authenticity of flexibility within Athenian court proceedings for the criminal acts of homicide from the second part of the fifth century until the early years in the restored democracy of 403. B.C, with particular reference to cases of homicide in relation to the procedure of apagoge. The traditional homicide procedure, dike phonou, of Athenian homicide law was a cumbersome and ritualistic remedy with which the Athenians tried to clean up the polis infected by the presence of killers (miasma). Those who prosecuted by the traditional dikai found themselves at a serious disadvantage in some respects. In such circumstances, the plant if sometimes invoked the ancient procedure apagoge. Taken strictly, apagoge was the interrogation before the competent magistrate of one taken in flagrante delicto committing certain acts or that it acts was committed by a robber (kakouryos). The magistrate was usually one of the Eleven. If a man so caught confessed, the magistrate administered at once the appropriate penalty because it was obvious that he was guilty (ep'autophoroi). If he did not, his accuser had to present to the magistrate a written indictment, on the basis of which the magistrate introduced the issue for trial. The two cases, against Euxitheus and against Agoratus, testify to implement procedures apagoge. Those cases were not resolved by self-help or summary execution by the Eleven, as might have been done in an earlier era. This was perhaps the most important procedural implication of the phrase 'obviously guilty', that parties to the agreement refrain from settling grievances by acts of retribution that were traditionally justifiable.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Nišu, Niš",
journal = "Teme",
title = "Procedura apagoge atinskog krivičnog prava u slučajevima ubistva, The procedure Apagoge of Athenian criminal law in homicide cases",
pages = "1378-1359",
number = "4",
volume = "39",
url = "conv_1789"
}

Gligić, S.. (2015). Procedura apagoge atinskog krivičnog prava u slučajevima ubistva. in Teme
Univerzitet u Nišu, Niš., 39(4), 1359-1378.
conv_1789

Gligić S. Procedura apagoge atinskog krivičnog prava u slučajevima ubistva. in Teme. 2015;39(4):1359-1378.
conv_1789 .

Gligić, Sanja, "Procedura apagoge atinskog krivičnog prava u slučajevima ubistva" in Teme, 39, no. 4 (2015):1359-1378,
conv_1789 .

TY  - THES
AU  - Gligić, Sanja M.
PY  - 2014
UR  - https://nardus.mpn.gov.rs/handle/123456789/2639
UR  - http://eteze.bg.ac.rs/application/showtheses?thesesId=1772
UR  - https://fedorabg.bg.ac.rs/fedora/get/o:9418/bdef:Content/download
UR  - http://vbs.rs/scripts/cobiss?command=DISPLAY&base=70036&RID=513483697
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/16
AB  - Uprkos činjenici da je Antifont bio jedan od vodećih intelektualaca, istaknuti sofista i pionir forenzičnog govora koji je dao značajan doprinos razvoju retorike u V veku pre n. e. u Atini, njegova dela nisu dovoljno proučena. Iz tog razloga pratila ga je sudbina „podeljene ličnosti“, pa su pojedini autori koji su se bavili analizom njegovog rada napravili razliku između: Atinjanina oratora (logografa) poznatog po govorima o ubistvima koje je pisao za svoje klijente na sudu i političkom disidentstvu (oligarhista u demokratskoj Atini); autora „Tetralogija“ koji je bio Jonac ili je živeo kasnije u odnosu na oratora; i sofiste, čiji je stav bio radikalan (anarhičan) pogled na ljudsko društvo. Pošto je otklonjena sumnja da je Antifont orator bio i autor „Tetralogija“, ostala je podela na tzv. separatiste koji prave razliku između govornika i sofiste i tzv. unitarista koji se zalažu za to da je kompletan opus Antifonta plod rada jednog čoveka.  U skladu sa ciljem rada – analizom Antifontovih govora, raspravi o govorima posvećenim ubistvima pristupa se s pravnoistorijskog aspekta, sagledavanjem različitih određenja Antifontovog dela. Logografi, od kojih je prvi bio Antifont, pisali su govore za klijente, a oni su ih učili napamet i izgovarali na sudu. Svi forenzični govori napisani su da bi se javno usmeno izlagali. Za razliku od njih, mnogo manji broj govora pisan je da bi se čitao i u tu grupu spadaju „Tetralogije“, hipotetički sudski govori koji sadrže određene argumente karakteristične za forenzične govore. Antifontova velika snaga, posmatrajući ga kao logografa, bila je argumentacija, selekcija i kompozicija, a način na koji je fleksibilno postavljao argumente činio je njegove govore najboljim za klijente. Tradicionalnu podelu govora na pet delova (uvod (proemium), opis problema (narratio), dokazivanje argumentima (agōnes, probatio), dodatne napomene (parékbasis) i zaključak (epίlogos, peroratio)) Antifont je poštovao u svojim govorima, s tim da je njihovu prezentaciju podešavao u skladu sa potrebama konkretnog slučaja.
AB  - Despite the fact that Antiphon was one of the leading intellectuals, a prominent sophist and a pioneer of forensic speech that has made a significant contribution to the development of rhetoric in the fifth century BC in Athens, his works have not been sufficiently studied. For this reason, he was followed by the fate of “split personality”, and some of the authors who have dealt with the analysis of his work made a distinction between: Athenian the Orator (logographer), known for speeches about homicides that he wrote for his clients in court, and political dissent (supporting oligarchy in democratic Athens); the author of “Tetralogy” who was an Ionian or who lived later relative to the orator; and the Sophist, who had a radical (anarchic) view of human society. Having removed doubts that Antiphon the Orator was the author of “Tetralogies”, what remains is the division to the so-called separatists who make a distinction between the orator and the Sophist and the so-called unitarian who stands for the idea that the entire Antiphon’s oeuvre is the work of one man. In accordance with the purpose of the paper - the analysis Of Antiphon’s speeches, a discussion about the speeches on murders, the approach applied is one from the legal and historian aspects, by analysing various definitions of Antiphon’s oeuvre. Logographers, the first of whom was Antiphon, wrote speeches for clients, who then learned them by heart and presented them in court. All forensic speeches were written to be orally publicly presented. In contrast, a much smaller number of speeches were written in order to be read, and in this group are the “Tetralogies” - hypothetical court speeches containing certain arguments specific to forensic speeches. If we consider him as a logographer, Antiphon’s great power was his rationale, selection and composition, and the way in which he flexibly set arguments made his speeches best for his clients.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu, Pravni fakultet
T1  - Istorijskopravna analiza Antifontovih govora
UR  - t-2324
ER  - 

@phdthesis{
author = "Gligić, Sanja M.",
year = "2014",
abstract = "Uprkos činjenici da je Antifont bio jedan od vodećih intelektualaca, istaknuti sofista i pionir forenzičnog govora koji je dao značajan doprinos razvoju retorike u V veku pre n. e. u Atini, njegova dela nisu dovoljno proučena. Iz tog razloga pratila ga je sudbina „podeljene ličnosti“, pa su pojedini autori koji su se bavili analizom njegovog rada napravili razliku između: Atinjanina oratora (logografa) poznatog po govorima o ubistvima koje je pisao za svoje klijente na sudu i političkom disidentstvu (oligarhista u demokratskoj Atini); autora „Tetralogija“ koji je bio Jonac ili je živeo kasnije u odnosu na oratora; i sofiste, čiji je stav bio radikalan (anarhičan) pogled na ljudsko društvo. Pošto je otklonjena sumnja da je Antifont orator bio i autor „Tetralogija“, ostala je podela na tzv. separatiste koji prave razliku između govornika i sofiste i tzv. unitarista koji se zalažu za to da je kompletan opus Antifonta plod rada jednog čoveka.  U skladu sa ciljem rada – analizom Antifontovih govora, raspravi o govorima posvećenim ubistvima pristupa se s pravnoistorijskog aspekta, sagledavanjem različitih određenja Antifontovog dela. Logografi, od kojih je prvi bio Antifont, pisali su govore za klijente, a oni su ih učili napamet i izgovarali na sudu. Svi forenzični govori napisani su da bi se javno usmeno izlagali. Za razliku od njih, mnogo manji broj govora pisan je da bi se čitao i u tu grupu spadaju „Tetralogije“, hipotetički sudski govori koji sadrže određene argumente karakteristične za forenzične govore. Antifontova velika snaga, posmatrajući ga kao logografa, bila je argumentacija, selekcija i kompozicija, a način na koji je fleksibilno postavljao argumente činio je njegove govore najboljim za klijente. Tradicionalnu podelu govora na pet delova (uvod (proemium), opis problema (narratio), dokazivanje argumentima (agōnes, probatio), dodatne napomene (parékbasis) i zaključak (epίlogos, peroratio)) Antifont je poštovao u svojim govorima, s tim da je njihovu prezentaciju podešavao u skladu sa potrebama konkretnog slučaja., Despite the fact that Antiphon was one of the leading intellectuals, a prominent sophist and a pioneer of forensic speech that has made a significant contribution to the development of rhetoric in the fifth century BC in Athens, his works have not been sufficiently studied. For this reason, he was followed by the fate of “split personality”, and some of the authors who have dealt with the analysis of his work made a distinction between: Athenian the Orator (logographer), known for speeches about homicides that he wrote for his clients in court, and political dissent (supporting oligarchy in democratic Athens); the author of “Tetralogy” who was an Ionian or who lived later relative to the orator; and the Sophist, who had a radical (anarchic) view of human society. Having removed doubts that Antiphon the Orator was the author of “Tetralogies”, what remains is the division to the so-called separatists who make a distinction between the orator and the Sophist and the so-called unitarian who stands for the idea that the entire Antiphon’s oeuvre is the work of one man. In accordance with the purpose of the paper - the analysis Of Antiphon’s speeches, a discussion about the speeches on murders, the approach applied is one from the legal and historian aspects, by analysing various definitions of Antiphon’s oeuvre. Logographers, the first of whom was Antiphon, wrote speeches for clients, who then learned them by heart and presented them in court. All forensic speeches were written to be orally publicly presented. In contrast, a much smaller number of speeches were written in order to be read, and in this group are the “Tetralogies” - hypothetical court speeches containing certain arguments specific to forensic speeches. If we consider him as a logographer, Antiphon’s great power was his rationale, selection and composition, and the way in which he flexibly set arguments made his speeches best for his clients.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu, Pravni fakultet",
title = "Istorijskopravna analiza Antifontovih govora",
url = "t-2324"
}

Gligić, S. M.. (2014). Istorijskopravna analiza Antifontovih govora. 
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Pravni fakultet..
t-2324

Gligić SM. Istorijskopravna analiza Antifontovih govora. 2014;.
t-2324 .

Gligić, Sanja M., "Istorijskopravna analiza Antifontovih govora" (2014),
t-2324 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Gligić, Sanja
PY  - 2010
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/526
AB  - Pojedini autori pokušali su u antičkoj Atini da pronađu korene Monteskjeove teorije o podeli vlasti na legislativu, egzekutivu i sudstvo. Osnov njihovih polaznih stavova bilo je Aristotelovo razlikovanje tri funkcije, koje mogu služiti državnom uređenju: ekklesiazein (savetodavna), arkhein (ona koja se odnosi na upravne organe) i dikazein (sudska). U postupku odlučivanja o 'tužbi protiv zakona' (graphe paranomon), koju je uveo Perikle, uočili su sudsku kontrolu zakonitosti. Međutim, novi radovi o ovom sredstvu pokazuju da graphe paranomon nije mogla da posluži jačoj kontroli skupštine od strane sudova. S druge strane, analiza političkih institucija neposredne atinske demokratije upućuje na zaključak da skupština, upravni i sudski organi antičke Atine nisu u punom smislu reči bili podeljeni na legislativu egzekutivu i sudstvo u modernom značenju.
AB  - In Western political theory, ever since Montesquieu formulated his theory of the tripartite separation of powers in the eighteenth century, there has always been a strong sense that the legislature, the executive and the judiciary ought to be independent bodies. There have even been attempts to read this doctrine back into ancient Athens, relying most heavily on Aristotle's distinction between ekklesiazein (being an assembly-member) arkhein (being a public official) and dikazein (sitting as a judge). The main objective of this article is to examine that ancient political theorists had no reason to regard Montesquieu's theories as normative. Moreover, Aristotle's purpose in this passage lies in classifying the functions that go to make up a full citizen, and nowhere does he suggest that these powers ought to be exercise by different people. The author tries to present interpretation about development of the political institution that becomes the central features of the fully developed democracy of the ancient Athens. This finding shows that in Athenian demokratia of the fifth century B.C., both in constitutional theory and in everyday political praxis the demos (people) exercised the kratos (sovereign power) in all three spheres of legislation, executive action and jurisdiction.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd
T2  - Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu
T1  - O podeli vlasti u antičkoj Atini
T1  - The separation of powers in ancient Athens
EP  - 336
IS  - 2
SP  - 315
VL  - 58
UR  - conv_203
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Gligić, Sanja",
year = "2010",
abstract = "Pojedini autori pokušali su u antičkoj Atini da pronađu korene Monteskjeove teorije o podeli vlasti na legislativu, egzekutivu i sudstvo. Osnov njihovih polaznih stavova bilo je Aristotelovo razlikovanje tri funkcije, koje mogu služiti državnom uređenju: ekklesiazein (savetodavna), arkhein (ona koja se odnosi na upravne organe) i dikazein (sudska). U postupku odlučivanja o 'tužbi protiv zakona' (graphe paranomon), koju je uveo Perikle, uočili su sudsku kontrolu zakonitosti. Međutim, novi radovi o ovom sredstvu pokazuju da graphe paranomon nije mogla da posluži jačoj kontroli skupštine od strane sudova. S druge strane, analiza političkih institucija neposredne atinske demokratije upućuje na zaključak da skupština, upravni i sudski organi antičke Atine nisu u punom smislu reči bili podeljeni na legislativu egzekutivu i sudstvo u modernom značenju., In Western political theory, ever since Montesquieu formulated his theory of the tripartite separation of powers in the eighteenth century, there has always been a strong sense that the legislature, the executive and the judiciary ought to be independent bodies. There have even been attempts to read this doctrine back into ancient Athens, relying most heavily on Aristotle's distinction between ekklesiazein (being an assembly-member) arkhein (being a public official) and dikazein (sitting as a judge). The main objective of this article is to examine that ancient political theorists had no reason to regard Montesquieu's theories as normative. Moreover, Aristotle's purpose in this passage lies in classifying the functions that go to make up a full citizen, and nowhere does he suggest that these powers ought to be exercise by different people. The author tries to present interpretation about development of the political institution that becomes the central features of the fully developed democracy of the ancient Athens. This finding shows that in Athenian demokratia of the fifth century B.C., both in constitutional theory and in everyday political praxis the demos (people) exercised the kratos (sovereign power) in all three spheres of legislation, executive action and jurisdiction.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd",
journal = "Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu",
title = "O podeli vlasti u antičkoj Atini, The separation of powers in ancient Athens",
pages = "336-315",
number = "2",
volume = "58",
url = "conv_203"
}

Gligić, S.. (2010). O podeli vlasti u antičkoj Atini. in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd., 58(2), 315-336.
conv_203

Gligić S. O podeli vlasti u antičkoj Atini. in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu. 2010;58(2):315-336.
conv_203 .

Gligić, Sanja, "O podeli vlasti u antičkoj Atini" in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu, 58, no. 2 (2010):315-336,
conv_203 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Gligić, Sanja
PY  - 2008
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/367
AB  - U Atini se od VII veka pre n. e. dozvoljavalo ubistvo u određenim slu-čajevima. Do današnjih dana je sačuvano malo neposrednih izvora koji bi poka­zali kako se ovaj institut primenjivao u praksi, ali izdvaja se jedan Lisijin govor. Eufiletos je optužen za ubistvo čuvenog zavodnika Eratostena, koga je uhvatio na delu sa svojom ženom. Odbrana mu je zasnovana na citiranju zakona, koji su predstavljali dokazno sredstvo u atinskom sudskom postupku, s obzirom na to da porotnici - laici nisu morali poznavati zakonske norme. Jedan od citiranih zakona u ovom govoru ističe razliku u kažnjavanju silovanja i preljube, iz čega jasno proizilazi da je ubistvo preljubnika zatečenog na delu bilo dozvoljeno, dok to nije bio slučaj kod krivičnog dela silovanja. Autor pokušava da objasni moguće razloge zbog čega se u Atini silovanje kažnjavalo novčanom kaznom, blaže nego preljuba.
AB  - There were circumstances under which it was permissible to kill another human being in the ancient Athenian democracy. Moreover, the killing itself was governed by a number of statutes. As citations to, and exegesis of, the applicable statutes had a role of means of evidence in the Athenian litigation; the speeches of the Attic orators contained numerous citations of individual statutes. As a result, some of these statutes survived until today as fractions of the preserved oratorical pieces - such as the Speech against Eratosthenes, coming under a name of Lysias. Though the laws cited in this piece of Lysias' oratory may not resolve numerous dilemmas regarding the notion of permissible killing, these laws clearly show that adultery stood for a more serious crime than rape. The husband, or the closest blood relative of the adulteress, was permitted to kill her lover on the spot, while it was forbidden to kill the rapist. In Athens, rape was sanctioned only compositionally, i.e through money compensation. In other Greek citystates, the victims of adultery or rape were granted only the right to monetary compensation.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd
T2  - Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu
T1  - Da li je dozvoljeno ubiti?
T1  - Permissible killing in Athenian democracy
EP  - 271
IS  - 2
SP  - 262
VL  - 56
UR  - conv_137
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Gligić, Sanja",
year = "2008",
abstract = "U Atini se od VII veka pre n. e. dozvoljavalo ubistvo u određenim slu-čajevima. Do današnjih dana je sačuvano malo neposrednih izvora koji bi poka­zali kako se ovaj institut primenjivao u praksi, ali izdvaja se jedan Lisijin govor. Eufiletos je optužen za ubistvo čuvenog zavodnika Eratostena, koga je uhvatio na delu sa svojom ženom. Odbrana mu je zasnovana na citiranju zakona, koji su predstavljali dokazno sredstvo u atinskom sudskom postupku, s obzirom na to da porotnici - laici nisu morali poznavati zakonske norme. Jedan od citiranih zakona u ovom govoru ističe razliku u kažnjavanju silovanja i preljube, iz čega jasno proizilazi da je ubistvo preljubnika zatečenog na delu bilo dozvoljeno, dok to nije bio slučaj kod krivičnog dela silovanja. Autor pokušava da objasni moguće razloge zbog čega se u Atini silovanje kažnjavalo novčanom kaznom, blaže nego preljuba., There were circumstances under which it was permissible to kill another human being in the ancient Athenian democracy. Moreover, the killing itself was governed by a number of statutes. As citations to, and exegesis of, the applicable statutes had a role of means of evidence in the Athenian litigation; the speeches of the Attic orators contained numerous citations of individual statutes. As a result, some of these statutes survived until today as fractions of the preserved oratorical pieces - such as the Speech against Eratosthenes, coming under a name of Lysias. Though the laws cited in this piece of Lysias' oratory may not resolve numerous dilemmas regarding the notion of permissible killing, these laws clearly show that adultery stood for a more serious crime than rape. The husband, or the closest blood relative of the adulteress, was permitted to kill her lover on the spot, while it was forbidden to kill the rapist. In Athens, rape was sanctioned only compositionally, i.e through money compensation. In other Greek citystates, the victims of adultery or rape were granted only the right to monetary compensation.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd",
journal = "Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu",
title = "Da li je dozvoljeno ubiti?, Permissible killing in Athenian democracy",
pages = "271-262",
number = "2",
volume = "56",
url = "conv_137"
}

Gligić, S.. (2008). Da li je dozvoljeno ubiti?. in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd., 56(2), 262-271.
conv_137

Gligić S. Da li je dozvoljeno ubiti?. in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu. 2008;56(2):262-271.
conv_137 .

Gligić, Sanja, "Da li je dozvoljeno ubiti?" in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu, 56, no. 2 (2008):262-271,
conv_137 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Gligić, Sanja
PY  - 2007
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/333
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd
T2  - Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu
T1  - Michael Gagarin: Antiphon the Athenian: Оratory, law and justice in the age of the sophists, University of Texas Press, Austin 2002
EP  - 201
IS  - 2
SP  - 196
VL  - 55
UR  - conv_115
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Gligić, Sanja",
year = "2007",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd",
journal = "Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu",
title = "Michael Gagarin: Antiphon the Athenian: Оratory, law and justice in the age of the sophists, University of Texas Press, Austin 2002",
pages = "201-196",
number = "2",
volume = "55",
url = "conv_115"
}

Gligić, S.. (2007). Michael Gagarin: Antiphon the Athenian: Оratory, law and justice in the age of the sophists, University of Texas Press, Austin 2002. in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd., 55(2), 196-201.
conv_115

Gligić S. Michael Gagarin: Antiphon the Athenian: Оratory, law and justice in the age of the sophists, University of Texas Press, Austin 2002. in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu. 2007;55(2):196-201.
conv_115 .

Gligić, Sanja, "Michael Gagarin: Antiphon the Athenian: Оratory, law and justice in the age of the sophists, University of Texas Press, Austin 2002" in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu, 55, no. 2 (2007):196-201,
conv_115 .