Ministry of Science, Technological Development and Innovation of the Republic of Serbia, institutional funding - 200118 (University of Belgrade, Faculty of Law)

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Ministry of Science, Technological Development and Innovation of the Republic of Serbia, institutional funding - 200118 (University of Belgrade, Faculty of Law) (en)
Ministarstvo nauke, tehnološkog razvoja i inovacija Republike Srbije, institucionalno finansiranje - 200118 (Univerzitet u Beogradu, Pravni fakultet) (sr_RS)
Министарство науке, технолошког развоја и иновација Републике Србије, институционално финансирање - 200118 (Универзитет у Београду, Правни факултет) (sr)
Authors

Publications

Manje je više? - o broju sudija i sudijskoj efikasnosti

Spaić, Bojan; Đorđević, Mila

(Univerzitet Union - Pravni fakultet, Beograd, 2022)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Spaić, Bojan
AU  - Đorđević, Mila
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1379
AB  - U ovom radu bavimo se odnosom između relativnog broja sudija u okviru jedne jurisdikcije i efikasnosti pravosuđa. Da bismo utvrdili kako broj sudija utiče na efikasnost, upoređujemo podatke o pravosuđu iz šest zemalja: Srbije, Hrvatske, Slovenije, Francuske, Austrije i Norveške. Analiza je zasnovana na podacima prikupljenim u 2018. godini od strane CEPEJ-a i Indeksa vladavine prava World Justice Report-a za 2018. godinu. Zaključujemo da se efikasnost pravosuđa ne poveć ava sa poveć anjem broja sudija u jednoj jurisdikciji.
AB  - In this paper, we deal with the relationship between the relative number of judges within a jurisdiction and the efficiency of the judiciary. To determine how the number of judges influences efficiency, we compare data on the judiciary from six countries: Serbia, Croatia, Slovenia, France, Austria and Norway. The analysis is based on data collected within the 2020 Evaluation cycle (2018 data) of CEPEJ and World Justice Report Rule of Law Index for 2018. We conclude that judicial efficiency does not increase with an increase in the number of judges in a jurisdiction.
PB  - Univerzitet Union - Pravni fakultet, Beograd
T2  - Pravni zapisi
T1  - Manje je više? - o broju sudija i sudijskoj efikasnosti
T1  - Less is more?: On the number of judges and judicial efficiency
EP  - 445
IS  - 2
SP  - 421
VL  - 13
DO  - 10.5937/pravzap0-41043
UR  - conv_2824
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Spaić, Bojan and Đorđević, Mila",
year = "2022",
abstract = "U ovom radu bavimo se odnosom između relativnog broja sudija u okviru jedne jurisdikcije i efikasnosti pravosuđa. Da bismo utvrdili kako broj sudija utiče na efikasnost, upoređujemo podatke o pravosuđu iz šest zemalja: Srbije, Hrvatske, Slovenije, Francuske, Austrije i Norveške. Analiza je zasnovana na podacima prikupljenim u 2018. godini od strane CEPEJ-a i Indeksa vladavine prava World Justice Report-a za 2018. godinu. Zaključujemo da se efikasnost pravosuđa ne poveć ava sa poveć anjem broja sudija u jednoj jurisdikciji., In this paper, we deal with the relationship between the relative number of judges within a jurisdiction and the efficiency of the judiciary. To determine how the number of judges influences efficiency, we compare data on the judiciary from six countries: Serbia, Croatia, Slovenia, France, Austria and Norway. The analysis is based on data collected within the 2020 Evaluation cycle (2018 data) of CEPEJ and World Justice Report Rule of Law Index for 2018. We conclude that judicial efficiency does not increase with an increase in the number of judges in a jurisdiction.",
publisher = "Univerzitet Union - Pravni fakultet, Beograd",
journal = "Pravni zapisi",
title = "Manje je više? - o broju sudija i sudijskoj efikasnosti, Less is more?: On the number of judges and judicial efficiency",
pages = "445-421",
number = "2",
volume = "13",
doi = "10.5937/pravzap0-41043",
url = "conv_2824"
}
Spaić, B.,& Đorđević, M.. (2022). Manje je više? - o broju sudija i sudijskoj efikasnosti. in Pravni zapisi
Univerzitet Union - Pravni fakultet, Beograd., 13(2), 421-445.
https://doi.org/10.5937/pravzap0-41043
conv_2824
Spaić B, Đorđević M. Manje je više? - o broju sudija i sudijskoj efikasnosti. in Pravni zapisi. 2022;13(2):421-445.
doi:10.5937/pravzap0-41043
conv_2824 .
Spaić, Bojan, Đorđević, Mila, "Manje je više? - o broju sudija i sudijskoj efikasnosti" in Pravni zapisi, 13, no. 2 (2022):421-445,
https://doi.org/10.5937/pravzap0-41043 .,
conv_2824 .
4
2

Ustaški genocid nad Srbima - Dolus Specialis koji traje

Rakić, Branko

(2022)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Rakić, Branko
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1312
AB  - Ključna karakteristika krivičnog dela genocida, koja ga izdvaja od drugih kršenja međunarodnog humanitarnog prava i diže ga na nivo "zločina nad svim zločinima", jeste postojanje tzv. genocidne namere, tj. namere "potpunog ili delimičnog uništenja jedne nacionalne, etničke, rasne ili verske grupe kao takve". Težina i monstruoznost sadržaja takve namere, po pravilu, zahtevaju da je ona duboko ukorenjena u svesti pripadnika one grupe koja je izvršilac ovakvog zločina, a takva ukorenjenost podrazumeva i trajnost takve namere, odnosno genocidne ideje. Tokom Drugog svetskog rata srpski narod je, zajedno sa Romima i Jevrejima, u Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj bio žrtva genocida, zločina kojeg su se gnušali čak i nacisti. Ideja i namera iskorenjenja srpskog naroda sa prostora koji su hrvatski nacionalisti smatrali za hrvatski nacionalni prostor, iako je ukorenjena vekovima unazad, dobila je svoje "teorijsko uobličenje" u XIX veku, pre svega u radovima Ante Starčevića, koji je još za života nazvan "Ocem Domovine". Svoje oduševljenje i inspirisanost Starčevićevim delom ustaše su tokom Drugog svetskog rata otvoreno iskazivale, tvrdeći da Nezavisne Države Hrvatske ne bi bilo da nije bilo Starčevića. Ustaška ideologija je nastavila da živi posle Drugog svetskog rata, pre svega kroz aktivnosti ustaške emigracije, ali je hrvatski nacionalizam, otvoren za prihvatanje ustaškog idejnog nasleđa, nastavio da živi i na prostoru same Hrvatske. Krajem osamdesetih i početkom devedesetih godina HH veka, sa oživljavanjem ideje o secesiji Hrvatske i sa njenom realizacijom, oživljava i ideja o Srbima kao "remetilačkom faktoru" u Hrvatskoj i o nužnosti njihove eliminacije sa tog prostora. Tuđmanova Hrvatska se vraća ustaškoj ideologiji u svim njenim elementima, uključujući u odnosu na Srbe i genocidnu nameru, koja je tokom Drugog svetskog rata bila u velikoj meri realizovana. Poučeni iskustvom iz NDH, Srbi se organizuju i sprečavaju ponavljanje sudbine svojih pobijenih predaka i srodnika iz perioda Drugog svetskog rata, ali ne uspevaju da izbegnu "etničko čišćenje" sa prostora Hrvatske. Način na koji se u današnjoj Hrvatskoj interpretiraju događaji i iz Drugog svetskog rata i iz devedesetih godina XIX veka pokazuje da je ustaška ideologija i dalje duboko ukorenjena u značajnim segmentima hrvatskog društva, uključujući praktično celinu hrvatskog državnog vrha. A bitan, suštinski element ustaške ideologije je genocidna namera prema Srbima koja je još živa u Hrvatskoj.
AB  - The key characteristic of the criminal aspect of the genocide, which distinguishes it from other violations of international humanitarian law and raises it to the level of the "crime above all crimes", is the existence of the so-called genocidal intention of "complete or partial destruction of a specific national, ethnic, racial or religious group". The gravity and monstrosity of the content of such intention, as q rule, require that it is deeply rooted in the conscience of the members of the group perpetrating this crime, while such inveteracy also implies the permanence of the intention, or genocidal idea. During World War II, the Serbian people, together with Jews and Romas, in the Independent State of Croatia were the victims of the genocide, the crime that abhorred even the Nazis. The idea and intention of the extermination of the Serbian people from the territory considered as Croatia's national territory by the Croatian nationalists, although existing for centuries in the past, got its "theoretical formation" in the 19th century, primarily in the works of Ante Starčević, who was called the "Father of the Fatherland" while he was still alive. The Ustasha openly showed their enthusiasm and inspiration by Starčević's works during World War II, claiming that there would not have been the Independent State of Croatia if it had not been for Starčević. The Ustasha ideology persisted after World War II, primarily through the activities of the Ustasha emigrants, but Croatian nationalism, open to accept the Ustasha ideological legacy, also persisted in the territory of Croatia itself. At the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s, the revival of the idea about the secession of Croatia and its realization also led to the revival of the idea of the Serbs as a "destructive factor" in Croatia and the necessity of their elimination from that territory. Tuđman's Croatia resumed the Ustasha ideology in all its elements, including its attitude towards the Serbs and the genocidal intention, which had been largely realized during World War II. Drawing on the experience from the ISC, the Serbs became organized and prevented the repetition of the fate of their ancestors and relatives killed during World War II, but did not succeed in avoiding the "ethnic cleansing" from the territory of Croatia. The manner in which today's Croatia interprets events both from World War II and from the 1990s shows that the Ustasha ideology is still deeply rooted in the significant element of the Croatian society, including practically the entire top government of Croatia. An essentially important element of the Ustasha ideology is its genocidal intention towards the Serbs still living in Croatia.
T2  - Napredak - časopis za političku teoriju i praksu
T1  - Ustaški genocid nad Srbima - Dolus Specialis koji traje
T1  - The Ustasha genocide over the Serbs: The continuing Dolus Specialis
EP  - 102
IS  - 2
SP  - 69
VL  - 3
DO  - 10.5937/napredak3-39804
UR  - conv_2865
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Rakić, Branko",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Ključna karakteristika krivičnog dela genocida, koja ga izdvaja od drugih kršenja međunarodnog humanitarnog prava i diže ga na nivo "zločina nad svim zločinima", jeste postojanje tzv. genocidne namere, tj. namere "potpunog ili delimičnog uništenja jedne nacionalne, etničke, rasne ili verske grupe kao takve". Težina i monstruoznost sadržaja takve namere, po pravilu, zahtevaju da je ona duboko ukorenjena u svesti pripadnika one grupe koja je izvršilac ovakvog zločina, a takva ukorenjenost podrazumeva i trajnost takve namere, odnosno genocidne ideje. Tokom Drugog svetskog rata srpski narod je, zajedno sa Romima i Jevrejima, u Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj bio žrtva genocida, zločina kojeg su se gnušali čak i nacisti. Ideja i namera iskorenjenja srpskog naroda sa prostora koji su hrvatski nacionalisti smatrali za hrvatski nacionalni prostor, iako je ukorenjena vekovima unazad, dobila je svoje "teorijsko uobličenje" u XIX veku, pre svega u radovima Ante Starčevića, koji je još za života nazvan "Ocem Domovine". Svoje oduševljenje i inspirisanost Starčevićevim delom ustaše su tokom Drugog svetskog rata otvoreno iskazivale, tvrdeći da Nezavisne Države Hrvatske ne bi bilo da nije bilo Starčevića. Ustaška ideologija je nastavila da živi posle Drugog svetskog rata, pre svega kroz aktivnosti ustaške emigracije, ali je hrvatski nacionalizam, otvoren za prihvatanje ustaškog idejnog nasleđa, nastavio da živi i na prostoru same Hrvatske. Krajem osamdesetih i početkom devedesetih godina HH veka, sa oživljavanjem ideje o secesiji Hrvatske i sa njenom realizacijom, oživljava i ideja o Srbima kao "remetilačkom faktoru" u Hrvatskoj i o nužnosti njihove eliminacije sa tog prostora. Tuđmanova Hrvatska se vraća ustaškoj ideologiji u svim njenim elementima, uključujući u odnosu na Srbe i genocidnu nameru, koja je tokom Drugog svetskog rata bila u velikoj meri realizovana. Poučeni iskustvom iz NDH, Srbi se organizuju i sprečavaju ponavljanje sudbine svojih pobijenih predaka i srodnika iz perioda Drugog svetskog rata, ali ne uspevaju da izbegnu "etničko čišćenje" sa prostora Hrvatske. Način na koji se u današnjoj Hrvatskoj interpretiraju događaji i iz Drugog svetskog rata i iz devedesetih godina XIX veka pokazuje da je ustaška ideologija i dalje duboko ukorenjena u značajnim segmentima hrvatskog društva, uključujući praktično celinu hrvatskog državnog vrha. A bitan, suštinski element ustaške ideologije je genocidna namera prema Srbima koja je još živa u Hrvatskoj., The key characteristic of the criminal aspect of the genocide, which distinguishes it from other violations of international humanitarian law and raises it to the level of the "crime above all crimes", is the existence of the so-called genocidal intention of "complete or partial destruction of a specific national, ethnic, racial or religious group". The gravity and monstrosity of the content of such intention, as q rule, require that it is deeply rooted in the conscience of the members of the group perpetrating this crime, while such inveteracy also implies the permanence of the intention, or genocidal idea. During World War II, the Serbian people, together with Jews and Romas, in the Independent State of Croatia were the victims of the genocide, the crime that abhorred even the Nazis. The idea and intention of the extermination of the Serbian people from the territory considered as Croatia's national territory by the Croatian nationalists, although existing for centuries in the past, got its "theoretical formation" in the 19th century, primarily in the works of Ante Starčević, who was called the "Father of the Fatherland" while he was still alive. The Ustasha openly showed their enthusiasm and inspiration by Starčević's works during World War II, claiming that there would not have been the Independent State of Croatia if it had not been for Starčević. The Ustasha ideology persisted after World War II, primarily through the activities of the Ustasha emigrants, but Croatian nationalism, open to accept the Ustasha ideological legacy, also persisted in the territory of Croatia itself. At the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s, the revival of the idea about the secession of Croatia and its realization also led to the revival of the idea of the Serbs as a "destructive factor" in Croatia and the necessity of their elimination from that territory. Tuđman's Croatia resumed the Ustasha ideology in all its elements, including its attitude towards the Serbs and the genocidal intention, which had been largely realized during World War II. Drawing on the experience from the ISC, the Serbs became organized and prevented the repetition of the fate of their ancestors and relatives killed during World War II, but did not succeed in avoiding the "ethnic cleansing" from the territory of Croatia. The manner in which today's Croatia interprets events both from World War II and from the 1990s shows that the Ustasha ideology is still deeply rooted in the significant element of the Croatian society, including practically the entire top government of Croatia. An essentially important element of the Ustasha ideology is its genocidal intention towards the Serbs still living in Croatia.",
journal = "Napredak - časopis za političku teoriju i praksu",
title = "Ustaški genocid nad Srbima - Dolus Specialis koji traje, The Ustasha genocide over the Serbs: The continuing Dolus Specialis",
pages = "102-69",
number = "2",
volume = "3",
doi = "10.5937/napredak3-39804",
url = "conv_2865"
}
Rakić, B.. (2022). Ustaški genocid nad Srbima - Dolus Specialis koji traje. in Napredak - časopis za političku teoriju i praksu, 3(2), 69-102.
https://doi.org/10.5937/napredak3-39804
conv_2865
Rakić B. Ustaški genocid nad Srbima - Dolus Specialis koji traje. in Napredak - časopis za političku teoriju i praksu. 2022;3(2):69-102.
doi:10.5937/napredak3-39804
conv_2865 .
Rakić, Branko, "Ustaški genocid nad Srbima - Dolus Specialis koji traje" in Napredak - časopis za političku teoriju i praksu, 3, no. 2 (2022):69-102,
https://doi.org/10.5937/napredak3-39804 .,
conv_2865 .

How firm are the bonds that tie the EU together? Eu rule of law conditionality mechanism and the next generation EU recovery fund

Lukić-Radović, Maja; Vlajković, Marija

(Josip Juraj Strossmayer Univ Osijek, Osijek, 2021)

TY  - CONF
AU  - Lukić-Radović, Maja
AU  - Vlajković, Marija
PY  - 2021
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1269
AB  - The Covid-19 pandemic has generated a one-in-a-generation challenge upon the EU, consisting of immediate danger for life and health, savings and jobs of its citizens, as well as for the stability and proper functioning of political and legal systems of its Member States. The manner in which the EU as a whole reacted to such sudden and grave challenge is by no means indicative of its political and legal-constitutional substance, and, consequently, of its capacity to subsist in its present form or to develop further. The centrepiece of the Next Generation EU (NGEU) is the Recovery and Resilience Facility, which should help Member States address the economic and social impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. The establishment of the pandemic recovery fund may be regarded not only as an ad hoc measure, but also as a crucial milestone in the path to overcoming the disbalance between Union solidarity and national interests. However, the whole EU budget deal depended on the acceptance of the Rule of Law Mechanism by all Member States. In the first part, this paper will analyse the COVID-19 recovery fund compromise solution as it has been finally agreed. Firstly, we will try to determine the effectiveness of the conditionality mechanism, in the light of European Council Conclusions on the "interpretative declaration on the new Rule of Law Mechanism" and its legal effects. Secondly, we will tackle the issue of the enforcement of the Rule of Law protection mechanism, having in mind the causal link that should be detected, between the protection of the financial interests of the EU, with the non-respect of the EU values enshrined in the Article 2 TEU, by particular Member State(s). Consequently, we will try to envisage the impact of the implementation of this conditionality mechanism, taking into consideration which Member States, and EU citizens, would be "hit" hardest by it. In the second part of the paper an attempt shall be made to perceive the conditionality mechanism, tied to the recovery fund, from the perspective of the principle of solidarity. Ultimately, this paper will try to answer the following question: in view of the necessary shift of priorities and the need for urgent reaction to the COVID-19 crisis, is the common European answer, in view of the core values of the EU and the principle of solidarity, optimal, and above all, will it be effective?
PB  - Josip Juraj Strossmayer Univ Osijek, Osijek
C3  - EU 2021 - the Future of the EU In and After the Pandemic
T1  - How firm are the bonds that tie the EU together? Eu rule of law conditionality mechanism and the next generation EU recovery fund
EP  - 88
SP  - 57
VL  - 5
UR  - conv_3134
ER  - 
@conference{
author = "Lukić-Radović, Maja and Vlajković, Marija",
year = "2021",
abstract = "The Covid-19 pandemic has generated a one-in-a-generation challenge upon the EU, consisting of immediate danger for life and health, savings and jobs of its citizens, as well as for the stability and proper functioning of political and legal systems of its Member States. The manner in which the EU as a whole reacted to such sudden and grave challenge is by no means indicative of its political and legal-constitutional substance, and, consequently, of its capacity to subsist in its present form or to develop further. The centrepiece of the Next Generation EU (NGEU) is the Recovery and Resilience Facility, which should help Member States address the economic and social impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. The establishment of the pandemic recovery fund may be regarded not only as an ad hoc measure, but also as a crucial milestone in the path to overcoming the disbalance between Union solidarity and national interests. However, the whole EU budget deal depended on the acceptance of the Rule of Law Mechanism by all Member States. In the first part, this paper will analyse the COVID-19 recovery fund compromise solution as it has been finally agreed. Firstly, we will try to determine the effectiveness of the conditionality mechanism, in the light of European Council Conclusions on the "interpretative declaration on the new Rule of Law Mechanism" and its legal effects. Secondly, we will tackle the issue of the enforcement of the Rule of Law protection mechanism, having in mind the causal link that should be detected, between the protection of the financial interests of the EU, with the non-respect of the EU values enshrined in the Article 2 TEU, by particular Member State(s). Consequently, we will try to envisage the impact of the implementation of this conditionality mechanism, taking into consideration which Member States, and EU citizens, would be "hit" hardest by it. In the second part of the paper an attempt shall be made to perceive the conditionality mechanism, tied to the recovery fund, from the perspective of the principle of solidarity. Ultimately, this paper will try to answer the following question: in view of the necessary shift of priorities and the need for urgent reaction to the COVID-19 crisis, is the common European answer, in view of the core values of the EU and the principle of solidarity, optimal, and above all, will it be effective?",
publisher = "Josip Juraj Strossmayer Univ Osijek, Osijek",
journal = "EU 2021 - the Future of the EU In and After the Pandemic",
title = "How firm are the bonds that tie the EU together? Eu rule of law conditionality mechanism and the next generation EU recovery fund",
pages = "88-57",
volume = "5",
url = "conv_3134"
}
Lukić-Radović, M.,& Vlajković, M.. (2021). How firm are the bonds that tie the EU together? Eu rule of law conditionality mechanism and the next generation EU recovery fund. in EU 2021 - the Future of the EU In and After the Pandemic
Josip Juraj Strossmayer Univ Osijek, Osijek., 5, 57-88.
conv_3134
Lukić-Radović M, Vlajković M. How firm are the bonds that tie the EU together? Eu rule of law conditionality mechanism and the next generation EU recovery fund. in EU 2021 - the Future of the EU In and After the Pandemic. 2021;5:57-88.
conv_3134 .
Lukić-Radović, Maja, Vlajković, Marija, "How firm are the bonds that tie the EU together? Eu rule of law conditionality mechanism and the next generation EU recovery fund" in EU 2021 - the Future of the EU In and After the Pandemic, 5 (2021):57-88,
conv_3134 .

Eu asylum system in and after the Covid-19 pandemic: disclosing the weaknesses of the current rules and assessing the prospects of the new pact on migration and asylum

Čučković, Bojana

(Josip Juraj Strossmayer Univ Osijek, Osijek, 2021)

TY  - CONF
AU  - Čučković, Bojana
PY  - 2021
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1261
AB  - The paper analyses the influence that the Covid-19 pandemic has had on the functioning of the European asylum system. The analysis is divided into three parts and addresses problematic issues associated with different stages of the pandemic. In the first part of the paper, the author outlines the asylum practices of EU Member States in the initial stage of the Covid-19 pandemic during which the pandemic was perceived as a state of emergency. By exploring the legal possibilities to derogate both from the EU asylum rules and international human rights standards, the author offers conclusions as regards limits of derogations and the legality of Member States' practices, especially their failure to differentiate between rules that are susceptive of being derogated in emergency situations and those that are not. The second part of the paper analyses the current phase of the pandemic in which it is perceived as a 'new normal' and focuses on making the EU asylum system immune to Covid-19 influence to the greatest extent possible and in line with relevant EU and human rights rules. The author insists on the vulnerability as an inherent feature of persons in need of international protection and researches upon the relationship between the two competing interests involved - protection of asylum seekers and ensuring public health as a legitimate reason for restricting certain asylum seekers' rights. The final part of the paper analyses the prospects of the future EU asylum system, as announced by the New Pact on Migration and Asylum in September 2020, to adapt to the exigencies of both the current Covid-19 crisis and pandemics that are yet to come. With an exclusive focus on referral to Covid-19 and provisions relevant for the current and future pandemics, the author criticizes several solutions included in the instruments that make up the Pact. It is concluded that the Pact failed to offer solutions for problems experienced during the Covid-19 pandemic and that, under the pretext of public health, it prioritizes the interests of Member States over the interests of applicants for international protection.
PB  - Josip Juraj Strossmayer Univ Osijek, Osijek
C3  - EU 2021 - the Future of the EU In and After the Pandemic
T1  - Eu asylum system in and after the Covid-19 pandemic: disclosing the weaknesses of the current rules and assessing the prospects of the new pact on migration and asylum
EP  - 29
SP  - 3
VL  - 5
UR  - conv_3133
ER  - 
@conference{
author = "Čučković, Bojana",
year = "2021",
abstract = "The paper analyses the influence that the Covid-19 pandemic has had on the functioning of the European asylum system. The analysis is divided into three parts and addresses problematic issues associated with different stages of the pandemic. In the first part of the paper, the author outlines the asylum practices of EU Member States in the initial stage of the Covid-19 pandemic during which the pandemic was perceived as a state of emergency. By exploring the legal possibilities to derogate both from the EU asylum rules and international human rights standards, the author offers conclusions as regards limits of derogations and the legality of Member States' practices, especially their failure to differentiate between rules that are susceptive of being derogated in emergency situations and those that are not. The second part of the paper analyses the current phase of the pandemic in which it is perceived as a 'new normal' and focuses on making the EU asylum system immune to Covid-19 influence to the greatest extent possible and in line with relevant EU and human rights rules. The author insists on the vulnerability as an inherent feature of persons in need of international protection and researches upon the relationship between the two competing interests involved - protection of asylum seekers and ensuring public health as a legitimate reason for restricting certain asylum seekers' rights. The final part of the paper analyses the prospects of the future EU asylum system, as announced by the New Pact on Migration and Asylum in September 2020, to adapt to the exigencies of both the current Covid-19 crisis and pandemics that are yet to come. With an exclusive focus on referral to Covid-19 and provisions relevant for the current and future pandemics, the author criticizes several solutions included in the instruments that make up the Pact. It is concluded that the Pact failed to offer solutions for problems experienced during the Covid-19 pandemic and that, under the pretext of public health, it prioritizes the interests of Member States over the interests of applicants for international protection.",
publisher = "Josip Juraj Strossmayer Univ Osijek, Osijek",
journal = "EU 2021 - the Future of the EU In and After the Pandemic",
title = "Eu asylum system in and after the Covid-19 pandemic: disclosing the weaknesses of the current rules and assessing the prospects of the new pact on migration and asylum",
pages = "29-3",
volume = "5",
url = "conv_3133"
}
Čučković, B.. (2021). Eu asylum system in and after the Covid-19 pandemic: disclosing the weaknesses of the current rules and assessing the prospects of the new pact on migration and asylum. in EU 2021 - the Future of the EU In and After the Pandemic
Josip Juraj Strossmayer Univ Osijek, Osijek., 5, 3-29.
conv_3133
Čučković B. Eu asylum system in and after the Covid-19 pandemic: disclosing the weaknesses of the current rules and assessing the prospects of the new pact on migration and asylum. in EU 2021 - the Future of the EU In and After the Pandemic. 2021;5:3-29.
conv_3133 .
Čučković, Bojana, "Eu asylum system in and after the Covid-19 pandemic: disclosing the weaknesses of the current rules and assessing the prospects of the new pact on migration and asylum" in EU 2021 - the Future of the EU In and After the Pandemic, 5 (2021):3-29,
conv_3133 .

Capturing resources: the role of professional communities and middle classes in fostering social reforms within Serbia

Vuković, Danilo

(Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd, 2016)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vuković, Danilo
PY  - 2016
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/906
AB  - In this article, I analyze the role of professionals (as part of the middle classes) and their communities in fostering reforms within the fields of higher education and social protection, and working towards, and supporting, the development of civil society. The analysis is based on the series of studies that explored lawmaking and policy-making processes in the fields of law, employment, social protection, rural development, tax policies and civil society development. The analysis of the work of professional communities, and the course of changes in these fields, indicates that policy networks had a major impact on the public policymaking process. These networks bring together typical representatives of the middle class: professionals, government officials, professional associations, representatives of modern non-governmental organizations, etc. The interests, upon which these networks were based, can be classified into three groups: (1) control of conditions of reproduction of the profession, (2) control of public resources in a given system (which includes, but is not limited to, control of the funding channels) and (3) control of conditions of reproduction of a given system. All these interests have a clear redistributive character, are - in general - focused on the control of public resources and have created an alliance between the middle classes and the elite. Middle classes have participated in the process of making laws and public policies in a way that has deepened the political inequalities, and to phenomena which, by analogy with the process of state capture by the elite, can be recognized as the capture of resources by the middle classes. The analysis points to an important aspect of sluggish social reforms: the lack of enthusiasm among middle classes and professional elite in fostering deep social change which is due to their ideological and redistributive alliances and strategies of "resources capturing."
PB  - Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd
T2  - Sociologija
T1  - Capturing resources: the role of professional communities and middle classes in fostering social reforms within Serbia
EP  - 279
IS  - 2
SP  - 253
VL  - 58
DO  - 10.2298/SOC1602253V
UR  - conv_2927
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Vuković, Danilo",
year = "2016",
abstract = "In this article, I analyze the role of professionals (as part of the middle classes) and their communities in fostering reforms within the fields of higher education and social protection, and working towards, and supporting, the development of civil society. The analysis is based on the series of studies that explored lawmaking and policy-making processes in the fields of law, employment, social protection, rural development, tax policies and civil society development. The analysis of the work of professional communities, and the course of changes in these fields, indicates that policy networks had a major impact on the public policymaking process. These networks bring together typical representatives of the middle class: professionals, government officials, professional associations, representatives of modern non-governmental organizations, etc. The interests, upon which these networks were based, can be classified into three groups: (1) control of conditions of reproduction of the profession, (2) control of public resources in a given system (which includes, but is not limited to, control of the funding channels) and (3) control of conditions of reproduction of a given system. All these interests have a clear redistributive character, are - in general - focused on the control of public resources and have created an alliance between the middle classes and the elite. Middle classes have participated in the process of making laws and public policies in a way that has deepened the political inequalities, and to phenomena which, by analogy with the process of state capture by the elite, can be recognized as the capture of resources by the middle classes. The analysis points to an important aspect of sluggish social reforms: the lack of enthusiasm among middle classes and professional elite in fostering deep social change which is due to their ideological and redistributive alliances and strategies of "resources capturing."",
publisher = "Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd",
journal = "Sociologija",
title = "Capturing resources: the role of professional communities and middle classes in fostering social reforms within Serbia",
pages = "279-253",
number = "2",
volume = "58",
doi = "10.2298/SOC1602253V",
url = "conv_2927"
}
Vuković, D.. (2016). Capturing resources: the role of professional communities and middle classes in fostering social reforms within Serbia. in Sociologija
Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd., 58(2), 253-279.
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1602253V
conv_2927
Vuković D. Capturing resources: the role of professional communities and middle classes in fostering social reforms within Serbia. in Sociologija. 2016;58(2):253-279.
doi:10.2298/SOC1602253V
conv_2927 .
Vuković, Danilo, "Capturing resources: the role of professional communities and middle classes in fostering social reforms within Serbia" in Sociologija, 58, no. 2 (2016):253-279,
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1602253V .,
conv_2927 .
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