TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vujadinović, Dragica
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1330
AB  - A premise of this article is that the existing gap between the advanced gender equality normative framework and the state of gender equality in real life has widened in times of crises, including the COVID-19 pandemic. The background theoretical-methodological framework is presented in the introduction. The first chapter presents progressive gender equality achievements in the normative and strategic international, European and national framework. The next chapter explains why all crises have been worsening gender (in)equality in real life and even within the scope of already achieved rights. The third chapter outlines the negative impacts of COVID-19 on gender equality and living conditions of women globally, in the EU and Serbia. The fourth chapter addresses how the COVID-19 pandemic could contribute to advancing gender equality. The conclusion sums up the main topics of analysis and considers challenges related to the pandemic's possible positive impacts on gender equality.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd
T2  - Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu
T1  - The widening gap between proclaimed gender equality and real state of affairs in times of COVID-19 pandemic
EP  - 1047
IS  - 4
SP  - 1017
VL  - 70
DO  - 10.51204/Anali_PFBU_22403A
UR  - conv_588
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Vujadinović, Dragica",
year = "2022",
abstract = "A premise of this article is that the existing gap between the advanced gender equality normative framework and the state of gender equality in real life has widened in times of crises, including the COVID-19 pandemic. The background theoretical-methodological framework is presented in the introduction. The first chapter presents progressive gender equality achievements in the normative and strategic international, European and national framework. The next chapter explains why all crises have been worsening gender (in)equality in real life and even within the scope of already achieved rights. The third chapter outlines the negative impacts of COVID-19 on gender equality and living conditions of women globally, in the EU and Serbia. The fourth chapter addresses how the COVID-19 pandemic could contribute to advancing gender equality. The conclusion sums up the main topics of analysis and considers challenges related to the pandemic's possible positive impacts on gender equality.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd",
journal = "Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu",
title = "The widening gap between proclaimed gender equality and real state of affairs in times of COVID-19 pandemic",
pages = "1047-1017",
number = "4",
volume = "70",
doi = "10.51204/Anali_PFBU_22403A",
url = "conv_588"
}

Vujadinović, D.. (2022). The widening gap between proclaimed gender equality and real state of affairs in times of COVID-19 pandemic. in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd., 70(4), 1017-1047.
https://doi.org/10.51204/Anali_PFBU_22403A
conv_588

Vujadinović D. The widening gap between proclaimed gender equality and real state of affairs in times of COVID-19 pandemic. in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu. 2022;70(4):1017-1047.
doi:10.51204/Anali_PFBU_22403A
conv_588 .

Vujadinović, Dragica, "The widening gap between proclaimed gender equality and real state of affairs in times of COVID-19 pandemic" in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu, 70, no. 4 (2022):1017-1047,
https://doi.org/10.51204/Anali_PFBU_22403A .,
conv_588 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Petrušić, Nevena
AU  - Vujadinović, Dragica
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1012
AB  - Subject of this analysis is the higher education in Serbia, in which the dialectic of patriarchy and emancipation exists in a specific manner. The mentioned dialectic has represented a general locus of gender relations in contemporary time, but, however, has had different manifestations in different societies and various spheres of societal life in each society and globally. The background presupposition is that this dialectic has also been on agenda generally in contemporary higher education, but, again, with significant differences depending on historical-political-cultural specificities of particular educational modalities. Focus will be on the higher education in Serbia, which still has been significantly determined within all its dimensions with a patriarchal matrix. In spite of vivid emancipatory shifts in Serbian higher education, there has obviously still existed horizontal and vertical gender segregation, gender imbalance in governmental structures, gender blind curricula and textbooks for knowledge production. Strategic aims and paths of gender mainstreaming in Serbian higher education are considered in this article. Starting from the statement that this process presuppose all-encompassing structural changes, these authors offer the model of gender action plan (GEP), which could serve as the basis for creating policies of the higher education gender mainstreaming in Serbia. This model is based on action plans which have been developed in projects of European Commission (EC) and European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE), and which imply - structural changes from "above", which then could initiate changes from "below" for the purposee of gender mainstreaming and essential advancement of the quality of higher education.
PB  - Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd
T2  - Sociologija
T1  - From Gender Blind to Gender Inclusive Higher Education in Serbia: Gender Mainstreaming Action Plans
EP  - 329
IS  - 1
SP  - 313
VL  - 60
DO  - 10.2298/SOC1801313P
UR  - conv_2990
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Petrušić, Nevena and Vujadinović, Dragica",
year = "2018",
abstract = "Subject of this analysis is the higher education in Serbia, in which the dialectic of patriarchy and emancipation exists in a specific manner. The mentioned dialectic has represented a general locus of gender relations in contemporary time, but, however, has had different manifestations in different societies and various spheres of societal life in each society and globally. The background presupposition is that this dialectic has also been on agenda generally in contemporary higher education, but, again, with significant differences depending on historical-political-cultural specificities of particular educational modalities. Focus will be on the higher education in Serbia, which still has been significantly determined within all its dimensions with a patriarchal matrix. In spite of vivid emancipatory shifts in Serbian higher education, there has obviously still existed horizontal and vertical gender segregation, gender imbalance in governmental structures, gender blind curricula and textbooks for knowledge production. Strategic aims and paths of gender mainstreaming in Serbian higher education are considered in this article. Starting from the statement that this process presuppose all-encompassing structural changes, these authors offer the model of gender action plan (GEP), which could serve as the basis for creating policies of the higher education gender mainstreaming in Serbia. This model is based on action plans which have been developed in projects of European Commission (EC) and European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE), and which imply - structural changes from "above", which then could initiate changes from "below" for the purposee of gender mainstreaming and essential advancement of the quality of higher education.",
publisher = "Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd",
journal = "Sociologija",
title = "From Gender Blind to Gender Inclusive Higher Education in Serbia: Gender Mainstreaming Action Plans",
pages = "329-313",
number = "1",
volume = "60",
doi = "10.2298/SOC1801313P",
url = "conv_2990"
}

Petrušić, N.,& Vujadinović, D.. (2018). From Gender Blind to Gender Inclusive Higher Education in Serbia: Gender Mainstreaming Action Plans. in Sociologija
Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd., 60(1), 313-329.
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1801313P
conv_2990

Petrušić N, Vujadinović D. From Gender Blind to Gender Inclusive Higher Education in Serbia: Gender Mainstreaming Action Plans. in Sociologija. 2018;60(1):313-329.
doi:10.2298/SOC1801313P
conv_2990 .

Petrušić, Nevena, Vujadinović, Dragica, "From Gender Blind to Gender Inclusive Higher Education in Serbia: Gender Mainstreaming Action Plans" in Sociologija, 60, no. 1 (2018):313-329,
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1801313P .,
conv_2990 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Vujadinović, Dragica
AU  - Petrušić, Nevena
PY  - 2017
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/2028
AB  - Fokus teksta u opštem smislu je na potrebi dugoročnog i sistematskog preispitivanja
visokog obrazovanja u Srbiji sa stanovišta rodne ravnopravnosti i
urodnjavanja1 obrazovnog procesa i da se ponude bazični inputi za buduće
građenje akcionih planova i politika za rodnu senzitivizaciju visokog obrazovanja.
Glavni cilj je da se inicira sistematski dugotrajni proces preispitivanja
pravničkog obrazovanja iz rodne perspektive. Tekst, naravno, može da ostvari
samo skromne rezultate kroz preliminarnu analizu pravničkih studijskih programa,
i to na ograničenom ali reprezentativnom uzorku. Sprovedena je, dakle,
pilot analiza dva akreditovana studijska programa prava na dva državna univerziteta
– na Pravnom fakultetu u Beogradu i Pravnom fakultetu u Nišu. Ova
pilot analiza se zasniva na utvrđenoj metodologiji za rodno senzitivnu analizu
studijskih programa (kurikuluma i pojedinačnih silabusa), kao i udžbenika za
neke od pravničkih predmeta. Pomenuta metodologija uvodi određene indikatore
rodne senzitivnosti i tri kategorije procene sadržaja udžbenika i ishoda
učenja zacrtanih u silabusima – rodno negativan, rodno neutralan i rodno senzitivan.
Fokus je na pilot istraživanju kurikuluma i silabusa, kao i udžbenika
za predmete: Sociologija prava, Ustavno pravo, Porodično pravo, Radno pravo
i Krivično pravo. U uvodnim napomena teksta obrazlaže se smisao i značaj integrisanja rodne perspektive u visoko obrazovanje. U drugom poglavlju je
izložen normativni i strateški okvir koji čini neophodnim urodnjavanje visokog
obrazovanja u Srbiji. Glavni fokus analize – vezan za preispitivanje silabusa
i udžbenika – elaboriran je u sledeća tri poglavlja. Treće poglavlje prezentuje
glavne indikatore za rodno senzitivnu analizu pravničkog obrazovanja. Četvrto
je posvećeno analitičkom okviru i metodologiji istraživanja, a u petom su izloženi
i tumačeni dobijeni rezultati. U završnom delu teksta su date preporuke,
koje bi mogle da doprinesu unapređenju kurikuluma i udžbenika i, uopšte uzev,
pravničkog i visokog obrazovanja.
AB  - The general aim of this text is to initiate a long-lasting systemic process of
reconsidering higher education in Serbia from a gender sensitive point of view,
and to offer initial input for building action plans and policies oriented towards
this goal. The main focus is on reconsidering gender mainstreaming within law
schools. However, this text can aspire only to modest achievements, dealing only
with preliminary research of legal studies with a restricted but representative sample.
Namely, only two accredited study programs at two public universities’ faculties
of law in Serbia – Faculty of Law in Belgrade and Faculty of Law in Niš – were
taken into consideration. This pilot analysis is based on established methodology
for gender sensitive analysis of the curricula as well as of syllabi and textbooks
for certain legal courses. The mentioned methodology introduces specific gender
sensitive indicators as well as three categories for estimating learning outcomes of
study programs, syllabi and textbooks: gender negative, gender neutral and gender
sensitive. The focus of the investigation was on of the following courses: Sociology
of Law, Constitutional Law, Family Law, Labor Law and Criminal Law. The
meaning and importance of gender mainstreaming in law schools is explained in
the Introduction. The normative and strategic framework for gender mainstreaming
of higher education in Serbia is presented in the second chapter. The main focus
of analysis – related to reconsidering curricula and textbooks from gender perspective
– is elaborated through the next three chapters: the third chapter explores
the main indicators of gender sensitive analysis of legal education; the fourth one
is devoted to the analytical framework and methodology of investigation; chapter
five presents the research results and their interpretation. Concluding notes clarify
discrepancies between the normative and strategic international and national
framework for gender mainstreaming of higher education, on the one hand, and
the given state of affairs in Serbian legal education, on the other. The text includes
recommendations for gender action plans, which could contribute to an improvement
of legal and higher education in general.
PB  - Beograd : Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu Centar za izdavaštvo i informisanje
T2  - Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 7 / Perspectives of Implementa                  tion of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume VII
T1  - Uvođenje rodne perspektive u pravničko obrazovanje u Srbiji : pilot analiza studijskih programa i udžbenika
T1  - Gender Mainstreaming in Legal Education in Serbia : Pilot Analysis of Curricula and Textbooks
EP  - 103
SP  - 84
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Vujadinović, Dragica and Petrušić, Nevena",
year = "2017",
abstract = "Fokus teksta u opštem smislu je na potrebi dugoročnog i sistematskog preispitivanja
visokog obrazovanja u Srbiji sa stanovišta rodne ravnopravnosti i
urodnjavanja1 obrazovnog procesa i da se ponude bazični inputi za buduće
građenje akcionih planova i politika za rodnu senzitivizaciju visokog obrazovanja.
Glavni cilj je da se inicira sistematski dugotrajni proces preispitivanja
pravničkog obrazovanja iz rodne perspektive. Tekst, naravno, može da ostvari
samo skromne rezultate kroz preliminarnu analizu pravničkih studijskih programa,
i to na ograničenom ali reprezentativnom uzorku. Sprovedena je, dakle,
pilot analiza dva akreditovana studijska programa prava na dva državna univerziteta
– na Pravnom fakultetu u Beogradu i Pravnom fakultetu u Nišu. Ova
pilot analiza se zasniva na utvrđenoj metodologiji za rodno senzitivnu analizu
studijskih programa (kurikuluma i pojedinačnih silabusa), kao i udžbenika za
neke od pravničkih predmeta. Pomenuta metodologija uvodi određene indikatore
rodne senzitivnosti i tri kategorije procene sadržaja udžbenika i ishoda
učenja zacrtanih u silabusima – rodno negativan, rodno neutralan i rodno senzitivan.
Fokus je na pilot istraživanju kurikuluma i silabusa, kao i udžbenika
za predmete: Sociologija prava, Ustavno pravo, Porodično pravo, Radno pravo
i Krivično pravo. U uvodnim napomena teksta obrazlaže se smisao i značaj integrisanja rodne perspektive u visoko obrazovanje. U drugom poglavlju je
izložen normativni i strateški okvir koji čini neophodnim urodnjavanje visokog
obrazovanja u Srbiji. Glavni fokus analize – vezan za preispitivanje silabusa
i udžbenika – elaboriran je u sledeća tri poglavlja. Treće poglavlje prezentuje
glavne indikatore za rodno senzitivnu analizu pravničkog obrazovanja. Četvrto
je posvećeno analitičkom okviru i metodologiji istraživanja, a u petom su izloženi
i tumačeni dobijeni rezultati. U završnom delu teksta su date preporuke,
koje bi mogle da doprinesu unapređenju kurikuluma i udžbenika i, uopšte uzev,
pravničkog i visokog obrazovanja., The general aim of this text is to initiate a long-lasting systemic process of
reconsidering higher education in Serbia from a gender sensitive point of view,
and to offer initial input for building action plans and policies oriented towards
this goal. The main focus is on reconsidering gender mainstreaming within law
schools. However, this text can aspire only to modest achievements, dealing only
with preliminary research of legal studies with a restricted but representative sample.
Namely, only two accredited study programs at two public universities’ faculties
of law in Serbia – Faculty of Law in Belgrade and Faculty of Law in Niš – were
taken into consideration. This pilot analysis is based on established methodology
for gender sensitive analysis of the curricula as well as of syllabi and textbooks
for certain legal courses. The mentioned methodology introduces specific gender
sensitive indicators as well as three categories for estimating learning outcomes of
study programs, syllabi and textbooks: gender negative, gender neutral and gender
sensitive. The focus of the investigation was on of the following courses: Sociology
of Law, Constitutional Law, Family Law, Labor Law and Criminal Law. The
meaning and importance of gender mainstreaming in law schools is explained in
the Introduction. The normative and strategic framework for gender mainstreaming
of higher education in Serbia is presented in the second chapter. The main focus
of analysis – related to reconsidering curricula and textbooks from gender perspective
– is elaborated through the next three chapters: the third chapter explores
the main indicators of gender sensitive analysis of legal education; the fourth one
is devoted to the analytical framework and methodology of investigation; chapter
five presents the research results and their interpretation. Concluding notes clarify
discrepancies between the normative and strategic international and national
framework for gender mainstreaming of higher education, on the one hand, and
the given state of affairs in Serbian legal education, on the other. The text includes
recommendations for gender action plans, which could contribute to an improvement
of legal and higher education in general.",
publisher = "Beograd : Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu Centar za izdavaštvo i informisanje",
journal = "Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 7 / Perspectives of Implementa                  tion of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume VII",
booktitle = "Uvođenje rodne perspektive u pravničko obrazovanje u Srbiji : pilot analiza studijskih programa i udžbenika, Gender Mainstreaming in Legal Education in Serbia : Pilot Analysis of Curricula and Textbooks",
pages = "103-84"
}

Vujadinović, D.,& Petrušić, N.. (2017). Uvođenje rodne perspektive u pravničko obrazovanje u Srbiji : pilot analiza studijskih programa i udžbenika. in Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 7 / Perspectives of Implementa                  tion of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume VII
Beograd : Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu Centar za izdavaštvo i informisanje., 84-103.

Vujadinović D, Petrušić N. Uvođenje rodne perspektive u pravničko obrazovanje u Srbiji : pilot analiza studijskih programa i udžbenika. in Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 7 / Perspectives of Implementa                  tion of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume VII. 2017;:84-103..

Vujadinović, Dragica, Petrušić, Nevena, "Uvođenje rodne perspektive u pravničko obrazovanje u Srbiji : pilot analiza studijskih programa i udžbenika" in Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 7 / Perspectives of Implementa                  tion of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume VII (2017):84-103.

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vujadinović, Dragica
AU  - Petrušić, Nevena
PY  - 2017
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1002
AB  - The general aim of this paper is to initiate a long-lasting systemic process of reviewing higher education in Serbia from a gender-sensitive point of view, and to offer initial input for building action plans and policies oriented towards this goal. The main focus is on analyzing legal studies from a gender-sensitive point of view and on initiating gender mainstreaming within law schools. However, this paper can aspire only to modest achievements, dealing solely with preliminary research of legal studies, with a limited but a representative sample. Namely, only two accredited study programs at two public university faculties of law in Serbia - at the Faculty of Law in Belgrade and the Faculty of Law in Niš - were taken into consideration. This pilot analysis is based on an established methodology for gender-sensitive analysis of curricula as well as of syllabi and textbooks for certain legal courses. The mentioned methodology introduces specific gender-sensitive indicators as well as three categories for assessing learning outcomes of study programs, syllabi and textbooks: gender-negative, gender-neutral, and gender-sensitive. The focus of the investigation was on of the following courses: Sociology of Law, Constitutional Law, Family Law, Labor Law, and Criminal Law. The meaning and importance of gender mainstreaming in law schools is explained in the Introduction. The normative and strategic framework for gender mainstreaming in higher education in Serbia is presented in the second chapter. The main focus of analysis - the reconsideration of curricula and textbooks from a gender perspective - is elaborated through the following three chapters: the third chapter explores the main indicators of the gender-sensitive analysis of legal education; the fourth is devoted to the analytical framework and methodology of investigation; chapter five presents the research results and their interpretation. The concluding notes clarify discrepancies between the normative and strategic international and national framework for gender mainstreaming of higher education, on the one hand, and the given state of affairs in Serbian legal education, on the other. The text includes recommendations for gender action plans, which could contribute to the improvement of legal and higher education in general.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd
T2  - Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu
T1  - Gender mainstreaming in legal education in Serbia: A pilot analysis of curricula and textbooks
EP  - 74
IS  - 4
SP  - 53
VL  - 65
DO  - 10.5937/AnaliPFB1704053V
UR  - conv_439
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Vujadinović, Dragica and Petrušić, Nevena",
year = "2017",
abstract = "The general aim of this paper is to initiate a long-lasting systemic process of reviewing higher education in Serbia from a gender-sensitive point of view, and to offer initial input for building action plans and policies oriented towards this goal. The main focus is on analyzing legal studies from a gender-sensitive point of view and on initiating gender mainstreaming within law schools. However, this paper can aspire only to modest achievements, dealing solely with preliminary research of legal studies, with a limited but a representative sample. Namely, only two accredited study programs at two public university faculties of law in Serbia - at the Faculty of Law in Belgrade and the Faculty of Law in Niš - were taken into consideration. This pilot analysis is based on an established methodology for gender-sensitive analysis of curricula as well as of syllabi and textbooks for certain legal courses. The mentioned methodology introduces specific gender-sensitive indicators as well as three categories for assessing learning outcomes of study programs, syllabi and textbooks: gender-negative, gender-neutral, and gender-sensitive. The focus of the investigation was on of the following courses: Sociology of Law, Constitutional Law, Family Law, Labor Law, and Criminal Law. The meaning and importance of gender mainstreaming in law schools is explained in the Introduction. The normative and strategic framework for gender mainstreaming in higher education in Serbia is presented in the second chapter. The main focus of analysis - the reconsideration of curricula and textbooks from a gender perspective - is elaborated through the following three chapters: the third chapter explores the main indicators of the gender-sensitive analysis of legal education; the fourth is devoted to the analytical framework and methodology of investigation; chapter five presents the research results and their interpretation. The concluding notes clarify discrepancies between the normative and strategic international and national framework for gender mainstreaming of higher education, on the one hand, and the given state of affairs in Serbian legal education, on the other. The text includes recommendations for gender action plans, which could contribute to the improvement of legal and higher education in general.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd",
journal = "Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu",
title = "Gender mainstreaming in legal education in Serbia: A pilot analysis of curricula and textbooks",
pages = "74-53",
number = "4",
volume = "65",
doi = "10.5937/AnaliPFB1704053V",
url = "conv_439"
}

Vujadinović, D.,& Petrušić, N.. (2017). Gender mainstreaming in legal education in Serbia: A pilot analysis of curricula and textbooks. in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd., 65(4), 53-74.
https://doi.org/10.5937/AnaliPFB1704053V
conv_439

Vujadinović D, Petrušić N. Gender mainstreaming in legal education in Serbia: A pilot analysis of curricula and textbooks. in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu. 2017;65(4):53-74.
doi:10.5937/AnaliPFB1704053V
conv_439 .

Vujadinović, Dragica, Petrušić, Nevena, "Gender mainstreaming in legal education in Serbia: A pilot analysis of curricula and textbooks" in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu, 65, no. 4 (2017):53-74,
https://doi.org/10.5937/AnaliPFB1704053V .,
conv_439 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Vujadinović, Dragica
PY  - 2015
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1983
AB  - Osnovna pozadinska ideja je da je neoliberalni zaokret u razvoju liberalnog
kapitalizma prouzrokovao sadašnju globalnu krizu i krizu Evrozone, da rigidne
mere štednje predstavljaju neoliberalni mehanizam koji sam po sebi ne može da
razreši krizu, da je za put izlaska iz krize neophodan welfare zaokret u smislu novih
formi welfare ekonomskih i političkih strategija razvoja (novih u odnosu na welfare
model iz 1970.ih). Ovaj welfare zaokret bi bio neophodan i za smanjenje prevelikih
nejednakosti na globalnom, regionalnom i državnom nivou, kao i za iznalaženje
novih balansa između ekonomske efikasnosti i mehanizama slobodnog tržista, s
jedne strane, i sistema blagostanja, zaštite ljudskih prava i prava na dostojanstven
život svake individue, s druge. Dodatne pozadinske poente su da je privlačnost
Evropske unije (EU) za građane prevashodno zasnovana na idealno-tipskom pojmu
„socijalne Evrope“, da kriza Evrozone i dominantni načini njenog rešavanja dovode
u opasnost osećaj pripadništva EU i uopšte uzev njen politički identitet, i da prevazilaženje
krize i oporavak, kao i unapređenje identiteta političke zajednice EU zahteva
revidirane ideje i prakse „socijalne Evrope“, bazirane na konstitucionalnim i
institucionalnim nastojanjima usmerenim ka dubljoj i jačoj političkoj, ekonomskoj,
fiskalnoj i socijalnoj integraciji. U tekstu se najpre analizira veza između krize kapitalizma
i razvoja države blagostanja. Zatim se u međuodnosu sa welfare modelom
razmatraju uzroci tekuće krize, kao i putevi izlaska iz nje. U datom kontekstu se
ukazuje i na moguće relevantne aktere i procese, koji bi mogli da budu ključni za
prevazilaženje neoliberalnog pristupa, zasnovanog na štednji na račun socijalnih
davanja, i za preusmerenje na welfare model i princip solidarnosti.
AB  - The main background idea of this article is that the neoliberal turn in the development
of liberal capitalism did cause the current global and Euro zone crisis, that the
rigid austerity measures represent the neoliberal mechanism which cannot solve
the crisis, that the welfare turn (revised welfare model, different from the traditional
one related to 1970s), e.g. new forms of welfare economic and political strategies
of development are necessary for overcoming the crisis. This welfarist turn would
be also necessary for diminishing overextended inequalities at the global, regional
and nation-state levels, and for finding new balances between economic efficiency
and free market mechanisms, on the one hand, and welfare system, human rights
protection, and right to a dissent life for each individual, on another.
Additional background points of analysis are that the attractiveness of the European
Union (EU) for the citizens is primarily based on the ideal-typical concept of „Social Europe“, that the crisis of the Euro zone and dominant ways out put into
danger the sense of belonging to the EU and generally its political identity, and that
the overcoming of the crisis, on one hand, and improving of the EU identity and
polity, on another, demand revived ideas and practice of „Social Europe“, based
on constitutional and institutional attempts towards deeper and stronger political,
economic, fiscal and social integration.
In this paper, the overview of the link between crisis of capitalism and welfare state
development will be firstly offered. Secondly, the causes of the current crisis as well
as ways out (again in the relation with the welfare model) will be considered. In that
context, the possible relevant actors and mechanisms will be outlined, which could
be crucial for overcoming the neoliberal austerity approach and for its replacing
with the welfare model and solidarity.
PB  - Beograd : Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu Centar za izdavaštvo i informisanje
T2  - Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 5 / Perspectives of Implementa                  tion of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume V
T1  - Uzroci krize i putevi njenog prevazilaženja sagledani iz perspektive evropskog socijalnog modela
T1  - Causes of the Current Crisis and Ways Out - Viewed upon the Lenses of European Social Model
EP  - 90
SP  - 67
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Vujadinović, Dragica",
year = "2015",
abstract = "Osnovna pozadinska ideja je da je neoliberalni zaokret u razvoju liberalnog
kapitalizma prouzrokovao sadašnju globalnu krizu i krizu Evrozone, da rigidne
mere štednje predstavljaju neoliberalni mehanizam koji sam po sebi ne može da
razreši krizu, da je za put izlaska iz krize neophodan welfare zaokret u smislu novih
formi welfare ekonomskih i političkih strategija razvoja (novih u odnosu na welfare
model iz 1970.ih). Ovaj welfare zaokret bi bio neophodan i za smanjenje prevelikih
nejednakosti na globalnom, regionalnom i državnom nivou, kao i za iznalaženje
novih balansa između ekonomske efikasnosti i mehanizama slobodnog tržista, s
jedne strane, i sistema blagostanja, zaštite ljudskih prava i prava na dostojanstven
život svake individue, s druge. Dodatne pozadinske poente su da je privlačnost
Evropske unije (EU) za građane prevashodno zasnovana na idealno-tipskom pojmu
„socijalne Evrope“, da kriza Evrozone i dominantni načini njenog rešavanja dovode
u opasnost osećaj pripadništva EU i uopšte uzev njen politički identitet, i da prevazilaženje
krize i oporavak, kao i unapređenje identiteta političke zajednice EU zahteva
revidirane ideje i prakse „socijalne Evrope“, bazirane na konstitucionalnim i
institucionalnim nastojanjima usmerenim ka dubljoj i jačoj političkoj, ekonomskoj,
fiskalnoj i socijalnoj integraciji. U tekstu se najpre analizira veza između krize kapitalizma
i razvoja države blagostanja. Zatim se u međuodnosu sa welfare modelom
razmatraju uzroci tekuće krize, kao i putevi izlaska iz nje. U datom kontekstu se
ukazuje i na moguće relevantne aktere i procese, koji bi mogli da budu ključni za
prevazilaženje neoliberalnog pristupa, zasnovanog na štednji na račun socijalnih
davanja, i za preusmerenje na welfare model i princip solidarnosti., The main background idea of this article is that the neoliberal turn in the development
of liberal capitalism did cause the current global and Euro zone crisis, that the
rigid austerity measures represent the neoliberal mechanism which cannot solve
the crisis, that the welfare turn (revised welfare model, different from the traditional
one related to 1970s), e.g. new forms of welfare economic and political strategies
of development are necessary for overcoming the crisis. This welfarist turn would
be also necessary for diminishing overextended inequalities at the global, regional
and nation-state levels, and for finding new balances between economic efficiency
and free market mechanisms, on the one hand, and welfare system, human rights
protection, and right to a dissent life for each individual, on another.
Additional background points of analysis are that the attractiveness of the European
Union (EU) for the citizens is primarily based on the ideal-typical concept of „Social Europe“, that the crisis of the Euro zone and dominant ways out put into
danger the sense of belonging to the EU and generally its political identity, and that
the overcoming of the crisis, on one hand, and improving of the EU identity and
polity, on another, demand revived ideas and practice of „Social Europe“, based
on constitutional and institutional attempts towards deeper and stronger political,
economic, fiscal and social integration.
In this paper, the overview of the link between crisis of capitalism and welfare state
development will be firstly offered. Secondly, the causes of the current crisis as well
as ways out (again in the relation with the welfare model) will be considered. In that
context, the possible relevant actors and mechanisms will be outlined, which could
be crucial for overcoming the neoliberal austerity approach and for its replacing
with the welfare model and solidarity.",
publisher = "Beograd : Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu Centar za izdavaštvo i informisanje",
journal = "Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 5 / Perspectives of Implementa                  tion of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume V",
booktitle = "Uzroci krize i putevi njenog prevazilaženja sagledani iz perspektive evropskog socijalnog modela, Causes of the Current Crisis and Ways Out - Viewed upon the Lenses of European Social Model",
pages = "90-67"
}

Vujadinović, D.. (2015). Uzroci krize i putevi njenog prevazilaženja sagledani iz perspektive evropskog socijalnog modela. in Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 5 / Perspectives of Implementa                  tion of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume V
Beograd : Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu Centar za izdavaštvo i informisanje., 67-90.

Vujadinović D. Uzroci krize i putevi njenog prevazilaženja sagledani iz perspektive evropskog socijalnog modela. in Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 5 / Perspectives of Implementa                  tion of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume V. 2015;:67-90..

Vujadinović, Dragica, "Uzroci krize i putevi njenog prevazilaženja sagledani iz perspektive evropskog socijalnog modela" in Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 5 / Perspectives of Implementa                  tion of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume V (2015):67-90.

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vujadinović, Dragica
PY  - 2015
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/818
AB  - Political revolutions of the 18th and 19th century engendered an idea of universal equality. However, the American Declaration of Independence and the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen have not been gender sensitive documents. Women had to struggle for a long time in order to achieve visibility in laws and they did gain an equal right to vote in the USA only 144 years later and in France only 160 years after the issuing of these documents. Contemporary international and national law has greatly advanced from a gender equality point of view. However, gender sensitive legislation and implementation of legal norms has been far from widely accepted. Gender sensitive legal education of (future) legislators, lawyers, judges, and prosecutors has thus been of the utmost importance. First, the article offers theoretical clarifications and historical background analysis of a sense and purpose of gender mainstreaming. The achievements in international law and strategic documents concerning gender equality will be taken into consideration in the second chapter. The main focus will be on the meaning of and instruments for gender mainstreaming in legal education in Serbia as well as generally. Paradigmatic examples from judicial practice will also be presented.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd
T2  - Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu
T1  - Gender mainstreaming in law and legal education
EP  - 74
IS  - 3
SP  - 56
VL  - 63
DO  - 10.5937/AnaliPFB1503056V
UR  - conv_381
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Vujadinović, Dragica",
year = "2015",
abstract = "Political revolutions of the 18th and 19th century engendered an idea of universal equality. However, the American Declaration of Independence and the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen have not been gender sensitive documents. Women had to struggle for a long time in order to achieve visibility in laws and they did gain an equal right to vote in the USA only 144 years later and in France only 160 years after the issuing of these documents. Contemporary international and national law has greatly advanced from a gender equality point of view. However, gender sensitive legislation and implementation of legal norms has been far from widely accepted. Gender sensitive legal education of (future) legislators, lawyers, judges, and prosecutors has thus been of the utmost importance. First, the article offers theoretical clarifications and historical background analysis of a sense and purpose of gender mainstreaming. The achievements in international law and strategic documents concerning gender equality will be taken into consideration in the second chapter. The main focus will be on the meaning of and instruments for gender mainstreaming in legal education in Serbia as well as generally. Paradigmatic examples from judicial practice will also be presented.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd",
journal = "Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu",
title = "Gender mainstreaming in law and legal education",
pages = "74-56",
number = "3",
volume = "63",
doi = "10.5937/AnaliPFB1503056V",
url = "conv_381"
}

Vujadinović, D.. (2015). Gender mainstreaming in law and legal education. in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd., 63(3), 56-74.
https://doi.org/10.5937/AnaliPFB1503056V
conv_381

Vujadinović D. Gender mainstreaming in law and legal education. in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu. 2015;63(3):56-74.
doi:10.5937/AnaliPFB1503056V
conv_381 .

Vujadinović, Dragica, "Gender mainstreaming in law and legal education" in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu, 63, no. 3 (2015):56-74,
https://doi.org/10.5937/AnaliPFB1503056V .,
conv_381 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Vujadinović, Dragica
PY  - 2014
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1961
AB  - Pojam ustavnog patriotizma se odnosi na privrženost političkoj zajednici
na osnovu poštovanja ljudskih prava i ustavnih principa. On predstavlja građansku
alternativu etno-kulturalnoj formi političke opredeljenosti, utemeljenoj
na teritoriji i kulturnoj homogenosti.
Ustavni patriotizam ima interpretativnu i subjektivnu dimenziju: predstavlja
normativnu građansku interpretaciju političkog identiteta, s jedne strane, a s druge
strane, kada je internalizovan od individualnih građana, on postaje i verzija
subjektivne dimenzije političkog identiteta – iskazuje osećaj pripadnosti demokratskoj
ustavnoj državi. On je nerazdvojiv od institucionalne i pravno-političke
strukture moderne ustavne države (objektivna dimenzija političkog identiteta).
Pojam ustavnog patriotizma spada u idealnotipske koncepte, i zato istovremeno
sadrži i normativni i empirijski sadržaj. Pojam i praksa ustavnog patriotizma
doživeli su istorijsku genezu. U njegovim najrazvijenijim savremenim
modalitetima, ustavni patriotizam ima kapacitet da izađe u susret rastućim
trendovima globalizacije, migracija, mešanja naroda, pretvaranja političkih zajednica
u multikulturalne. Idealnotipski uzev, građanski koncept političke zajednice
je produktivna osnova za mirnu koegzistenciju individua i društvenih
grupa, manjina i većina, i to kako uzev u postojećim nacionalnim državama,
koje afirmišu ustavnu demokratiju i koje su sve manje etnički homogene, tako i
u novim formama političkih zajednica, koje predstavljaju kompleksne multinacionalne
i polietničke entitete.
Evropski ustavni patriotizam može biti smatran najadekvatnijm modelom
interpretacije političkog identiteta Evropske unije i osećaja privrženosti ovoj novonastajućoj
transnacionalnoj političkoj zajednici.
Pre primarnog bavljenja evropskim ustavnim patriotizmom, u tekstu će
biti govora o pojmovima ustavnog patriotizma i evropskog identiteta.
AB  - The concept of constitutional patriotism refers to an allegiance to the political
community, which derives from respect for human rights and constitutional
principles. It represents a civic alternative to ethno-cultural form of attachment,
which founds a political commitment on the territory and cultural homogeneity.
Constitutional patriotism has had an interpretative and subjective dimension:
it represents a normative civic interpretation of political identity, one
based on universal values and human rights,; it also becomes a version of the
subjective dimension of political identity when internalized by individual citizens
(expresses a sense of belonging to the democratic constitutional state). It
is inseparable from an institutional and legal-political structure of the modern
constitutional state (the objective dimension of political identity).
The concept of constitutional patriotism belongs to the ideal-typical concepts,
and insofar it contains both the normative and empirical dimension. The
concept and practice of constitutional patriotism have experienced a historical
genesis. In its most developed current manifestations, it expresses capacities for
matching the rising trends of globalization, migrations, melting of the peoples,
turning of political communities into multicultural ones. Ideal-typically speaking,
the civic concept of political community represents a fruitful basis for a
peaceful co-existence of individuals and groups, majorities and minorities, in
both the given nation states, which affirm constitutional democracy and are
less and less ethnically homogenous, and in new forms of political communities,
which are complex multi-national and poly-ethnic entities.
European constitutional patriotism may be considered as the most adequate
model of interpreting the political identity of European Union and of
the sense of belonging/commitment to this new-emerging trans-national political
community
Before focusing specifically on European constitutional patriotism, we will
consider concepts of constitutional patriotism and European identity.
PB  - Beograd : Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu Centar za izdavaštvo i informisanje
T2  - Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 4 / Perspectives of Implementa                  tion of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume IV
T1  - Evropski ustavni patriotizam – između ideala i izazova realnosti
T1  - European Constitutional Patriotism – Between the Ideal and Challenges of the Reality
EP  - 86
SP  - 71
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Vujadinović, Dragica",
year = "2014",
abstract = "Pojam ustavnog patriotizma se odnosi na privrženost političkoj zajednici
na osnovu poštovanja ljudskih prava i ustavnih principa. On predstavlja građansku
alternativu etno-kulturalnoj formi političke opredeljenosti, utemeljenoj
na teritoriji i kulturnoj homogenosti.
Ustavni patriotizam ima interpretativnu i subjektivnu dimenziju: predstavlja
normativnu građansku interpretaciju političkog identiteta, s jedne strane, a s druge
strane, kada je internalizovan od individualnih građana, on postaje i verzija
subjektivne dimenzije političkog identiteta – iskazuje osećaj pripadnosti demokratskoj
ustavnoj državi. On je nerazdvojiv od institucionalne i pravno-političke
strukture moderne ustavne države (objektivna dimenzija političkog identiteta).
Pojam ustavnog patriotizma spada u idealnotipske koncepte, i zato istovremeno
sadrži i normativni i empirijski sadržaj. Pojam i praksa ustavnog patriotizma
doživeli su istorijsku genezu. U njegovim najrazvijenijim savremenim
modalitetima, ustavni patriotizam ima kapacitet da izađe u susret rastućim
trendovima globalizacije, migracija, mešanja naroda, pretvaranja političkih zajednica
u multikulturalne. Idealnotipski uzev, građanski koncept političke zajednice
je produktivna osnova za mirnu koegzistenciju individua i društvenih
grupa, manjina i većina, i to kako uzev u postojećim nacionalnim državama,
koje afirmišu ustavnu demokratiju i koje su sve manje etnički homogene, tako i
u novim formama političkih zajednica, koje predstavljaju kompleksne multinacionalne
i polietničke entitete.
Evropski ustavni patriotizam može biti smatran najadekvatnijm modelom
interpretacije političkog identiteta Evropske unije i osećaja privrženosti ovoj novonastajućoj
transnacionalnoj političkoj zajednici.
Pre primarnog bavljenja evropskim ustavnim patriotizmom, u tekstu će
biti govora o pojmovima ustavnog patriotizma i evropskog identiteta., The concept of constitutional patriotism refers to an allegiance to the political
community, which derives from respect for human rights and constitutional
principles. It represents a civic alternative to ethno-cultural form of attachment,
which founds a political commitment on the territory and cultural homogeneity.
Constitutional patriotism has had an interpretative and subjective dimension:
it represents a normative civic interpretation of political identity, one
based on universal values and human rights,; it also becomes a version of the
subjective dimension of political identity when internalized by individual citizens
(expresses a sense of belonging to the democratic constitutional state). It
is inseparable from an institutional and legal-political structure of the modern
constitutional state (the objective dimension of political identity).
The concept of constitutional patriotism belongs to the ideal-typical concepts,
and insofar it contains both the normative and empirical dimension. The
concept and practice of constitutional patriotism have experienced a historical
genesis. In its most developed current manifestations, it expresses capacities for
matching the rising trends of globalization, migrations, melting of the peoples,
turning of political communities into multicultural ones. Ideal-typically speaking,
the civic concept of political community represents a fruitful basis for a
peaceful co-existence of individuals and groups, majorities and minorities, in
both the given nation states, which affirm constitutional democracy and are
less and less ethnically homogenous, and in new forms of political communities,
which are complex multi-national and poly-ethnic entities.
European constitutional patriotism may be considered as the most adequate
model of interpreting the political identity of European Union and of
the sense of belonging/commitment to this new-emerging trans-national political
community
Before focusing specifically on European constitutional patriotism, we will
consider concepts of constitutional patriotism and European identity.",
publisher = "Beograd : Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu Centar za izdavaštvo i informisanje",
journal = "Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 4 / Perspectives of Implementa                  tion of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume IV",
booktitle = "Evropski ustavni patriotizam – između ideala i izazova realnosti, European Constitutional Patriotism – Between the Ideal and Challenges of the Reality",
pages = "86-71"
}

Vujadinović, D.. (2014). Evropski ustavni patriotizam – između ideala i izazova realnosti. in Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 4 / Perspectives of Implementa                  tion of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume IV
Beograd : Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu Centar za izdavaštvo i informisanje., 71-86.

Vujadinović D. Evropski ustavni patriotizam – između ideala i izazova realnosti. in Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 4 / Perspectives of Implementa                  tion of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume IV. 2014;:71-86..

Vujadinović, Dragica, "Evropski ustavni patriotizam – između ideala i izazova realnosti" in Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 4 / Perspectives of Implementa                  tion of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume IV (2014):71-86.

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vujadinović, Dragica
PY  - 2014
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/814
AB  - The author argues that the interpretation of Machiavelli's political theory is to be prominently a republican one, escaping its commonly simplified and stereotypical interpretations, which reduce his theoretical legacy to so-called Machiavellianism'. The article claims that while elements of Machiavellianism' do exist in all of his books (especially in The Prince), they do not define the core line and purpose of Machiavelli's political theory. This article presents how Machiavelli followed the legacy of republican Rome and of the medieval and Renaissance city-republics of Italy (including Florence) in developing his republican conception. Furthermore, it is argued that the theory of the humours - used as a basis of his interpretation of republican tradition - resulted in the anticipation of modern liberal republicanism in Machiavelli's legacy. His statements that conflicts of interests among different humours/classes/estates were not only unavoidable, but were also useful in enacting good laws, did anticipate modern pluralism. The author argues that the theory of the humours served Machiavelli as the core background he used in differentiating the main forms of political orders: monarchy/principality, republic and lizenzia (institutionally, a republic, but effectively, an imbalanced quasi-aristocratic rule). The criterion Machiavelli used was the quality of relations existent among those humours, in the sense that only the republic secured the satisfaction of the needs and interests of all humours, and insofar represented a well-balanced, healthy body politic. Machiavelli's intention was to offer practical lessons from the study of history' through comparison of the ancient events' of the Roman republic with the modern events' of the existing lizenzia in Florence, so that a real republican order be (re)established in the Florence of his days.
PB  - Sage Publications Inc, Thousand Oaks
T2  - Philosophy & Social Criticism
T1  - Machiavelli's republican political theory
EP  - 68
IS  - 1
SP  - 43
VL  - 40
DO  - 10.1177/0191453713513786
UR  - conv_2906
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Vujadinović, Dragica",
year = "2014",
abstract = "The author argues that the interpretation of Machiavelli's political theory is to be prominently a republican one, escaping its commonly simplified and stereotypical interpretations, which reduce his theoretical legacy to so-called Machiavellianism'. The article claims that while elements of Machiavellianism' do exist in all of his books (especially in The Prince), they do not define the core line and purpose of Machiavelli's political theory. This article presents how Machiavelli followed the legacy of republican Rome and of the medieval and Renaissance city-republics of Italy (including Florence) in developing his republican conception. Furthermore, it is argued that the theory of the humours - used as a basis of his interpretation of republican tradition - resulted in the anticipation of modern liberal republicanism in Machiavelli's legacy. His statements that conflicts of interests among different humours/classes/estates were not only unavoidable, but were also useful in enacting good laws, did anticipate modern pluralism. The author argues that the theory of the humours served Machiavelli as the core background he used in differentiating the main forms of political orders: monarchy/principality, republic and lizenzia (institutionally, a republic, but effectively, an imbalanced quasi-aristocratic rule). The criterion Machiavelli used was the quality of relations existent among those humours, in the sense that only the republic secured the satisfaction of the needs and interests of all humours, and insofar represented a well-balanced, healthy body politic. Machiavelli's intention was to offer practical lessons from the study of history' through comparison of the ancient events' of the Roman republic with the modern events' of the existing lizenzia in Florence, so that a real republican order be (re)established in the Florence of his days.",
publisher = "Sage Publications Inc, Thousand Oaks",
journal = "Philosophy & Social Criticism",
title = "Machiavelli's republican political theory",
pages = "68-43",
number = "1",
volume = "40",
doi = "10.1177/0191453713513786",
url = "conv_2906"
}

Vujadinović, D.. (2014). Machiavelli's republican political theory. in Philosophy & Social Criticism
Sage Publications Inc, Thousand Oaks., 40(1), 43-68.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0191453713513786
conv_2906

Vujadinović D. Machiavelli's republican political theory. in Philosophy & Social Criticism. 2014;40(1):43-68.
doi:10.1177/0191453713513786
conv_2906 .

Vujadinović, Dragica, "Machiavelli's republican political theory" in Philosophy & Social Criticism, 40, no. 1 (2014):43-68,
https://doi.org/10.1177/0191453713513786 .,
conv_2906 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Vujadinović, Dragica
PY  - 2013
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1941
AB  - Tradicionalno pravo je nosilo pečat patrijarhalne strukture odnosa. Pravo
su tokom istorije stvarali muškaracaci, sa dominantnim uticajem patrijarhalne
matrice sve do epohe modernosti. Moderno doba je donelo emancipatorske
procese u oblasti prava, kao i uopšte, a sa krunom u ideji univerzalne jednakosti.
Međutim, pravni subjektivitet žena je dugo ostajao nevidljiv u univerzalnim
pravnim normama. Prelazak nevidljivosti u vidljivost prava žena unutar
univerzalnih normi jeste rezultat dugotrajne i mukotrpne borbe žena za svoja
prava, uz dodatne uticaje i drugih značajnih socijalnih, istorijskih, političkih,
kulturalnih faktora. Moderno pravo je donelo najveći civilizacijski napredak sa
stanovišta emancipatorskih pomaka u odnosima rodne ravnopravnosti. Formalnopravna
jednakost se danas gotovo podrazumeva. Opšte mnjenje je da
jednakost muškaraca i žena pred zakonom postoji mnogo duže nego što istorijsko
sećanje pokazuje. Faktički, žene su stekle jednako pravo glasa tek krajem
19. veka u manjem broju slučajeva, a u većini tek nakon Drugog svetskog rata.
Izlaganjem će biti obuhvaćene, prvo, istorijska rekonstrukcija pravne regulative
rodne ravnopravnosti u moderno doba – od doba građanskih revolucija do
savremene afirmacije ženskih ljudskih prava na međunarodnom, evropskom i
nacionalnom nivou; drugo, rekonstrukcija navedene regulative u Evropskoj uniji
(EU); treće, rekonstrukcija pravne regulative rodnih odnosa u savremenoj Srbiji:
četvrto, prikaz rezultata ekspertskog izveštaja o rodnim odnosima u pravničkoj
profesiji i obrazovanju u državama jugoistočne Evrope (kratak uporedni
prikaz, s naglaskom na stanju u Srbiji i posebnim osvrtom na Pravni fakultet
Univerziteta u Beogradu).
AB  - Traditional law was designed in accordance with patriarchal structure of
social relations. Law had been created by men through history, what in the background
has had the dominant impacts of patriarchy until the modern epoch.
With its core idea of universal equality, modernity brought emancipatory processes
in the legal sphere as well as generally speaking. However, the legal subjectivity
of women was left invisible in universal legal norms for a long time. The
switch from invisibility into visibility of women`s rights in the realm of universal
norms has resulted from a longlasting and painstaking women`s struggle for their
rights, and also from additional impacts of other important social, historical, political
and cultural factors. Modern law brought into life the biggest civilizational
advancement from the point of emancipatory changes in gender relations. Today,
formal-legal equality is almost self-understandable. The common opinion is that
equality of men and women before the law has been existing much longer than
historical facts demonstrate. In fact, only partly from the end of 19th century
and mostly after the World War II women attained equal right to vote. This
presentation will encircle, firstly, historical reconstruction of a legal regulation
of gender equality in the modern era – from the period of civic revolutions to a
contemporary affirmation of female human rights in the realm of international
law, European law, and national law; secondly, reconstruction of the afore mentioned
legal regulation of gender relations in the framework of the EU; thirdly,
the reconstruction of the legal regulation of gender issue in contemporary Serbia;
fourthly, presentation of the results of the expert`s review of gender relations in
the legal profession and legal education in the nation-states of Southeastern Europe
(a short comparative analysis, with an accent on Serbia, and with a special
overview related to the Faculty of Law of the University of Belgrade).
PB  - Beograd : Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu Centar za izdavaštvo i informisanje
T2  - Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 3 / Perspectives of Implementation of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume III
T1  - Rod i pravna regulativa
T1  - Gender and Law
EP  - 80
SP  - 60
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Vujadinović, Dragica",
year = "2013",
abstract = "Tradicionalno pravo je nosilo pečat patrijarhalne strukture odnosa. Pravo
su tokom istorije stvarali muškaracaci, sa dominantnim uticajem patrijarhalne
matrice sve do epohe modernosti. Moderno doba je donelo emancipatorske
procese u oblasti prava, kao i uopšte, a sa krunom u ideji univerzalne jednakosti.
Međutim, pravni subjektivitet žena je dugo ostajao nevidljiv u univerzalnim
pravnim normama. Prelazak nevidljivosti u vidljivost prava žena unutar
univerzalnih normi jeste rezultat dugotrajne i mukotrpne borbe žena za svoja
prava, uz dodatne uticaje i drugih značajnih socijalnih, istorijskih, političkih,
kulturalnih faktora. Moderno pravo je donelo najveći civilizacijski napredak sa
stanovišta emancipatorskih pomaka u odnosima rodne ravnopravnosti. Formalnopravna
jednakost se danas gotovo podrazumeva. Opšte mnjenje je da
jednakost muškaraca i žena pred zakonom postoji mnogo duže nego što istorijsko
sećanje pokazuje. Faktički, žene su stekle jednako pravo glasa tek krajem
19. veka u manjem broju slučajeva, a u većini tek nakon Drugog svetskog rata.
Izlaganjem će biti obuhvaćene, prvo, istorijska rekonstrukcija pravne regulative
rodne ravnopravnosti u moderno doba – od doba građanskih revolucija do
savremene afirmacije ženskih ljudskih prava na međunarodnom, evropskom i
nacionalnom nivou; drugo, rekonstrukcija navedene regulative u Evropskoj uniji
(EU); treće, rekonstrukcija pravne regulative rodnih odnosa u savremenoj Srbiji:
četvrto, prikaz rezultata ekspertskog izveštaja o rodnim odnosima u pravničkoj
profesiji i obrazovanju u državama jugoistočne Evrope (kratak uporedni
prikaz, s naglaskom na stanju u Srbiji i posebnim osvrtom na Pravni fakultet
Univerziteta u Beogradu)., Traditional law was designed in accordance with patriarchal structure of
social relations. Law had been created by men through history, what in the background
has had the dominant impacts of patriarchy until the modern epoch.
With its core idea of universal equality, modernity brought emancipatory processes
in the legal sphere as well as generally speaking. However, the legal subjectivity
of women was left invisible in universal legal norms for a long time. The
switch from invisibility into visibility of women`s rights in the realm of universal
norms has resulted from a longlasting and painstaking women`s struggle for their
rights, and also from additional impacts of other important social, historical, political
and cultural factors. Modern law brought into life the biggest civilizational
advancement from the point of emancipatory changes in gender relations. Today,
formal-legal equality is almost self-understandable. The common opinion is that
equality of men and women before the law has been existing much longer than
historical facts demonstrate. In fact, only partly from the end of 19th century
and mostly after the World War II women attained equal right to vote. This
presentation will encircle, firstly, historical reconstruction of a legal regulation
of gender equality in the modern era – from the period of civic revolutions to a
contemporary affirmation of female human rights in the realm of international
law, European law, and national law; secondly, reconstruction of the afore mentioned
legal regulation of gender relations in the framework of the EU; thirdly,
the reconstruction of the legal regulation of gender issue in contemporary Serbia;
fourthly, presentation of the results of the expert`s review of gender relations in
the legal profession and legal education in the nation-states of Southeastern Europe
(a short comparative analysis, with an accent on Serbia, and with a special
overview related to the Faculty of Law of the University of Belgrade).",
publisher = "Beograd : Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu Centar za izdavaštvo i informisanje",
journal = "Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 3 / Perspectives of Implementation of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume III",
booktitle = "Rod i pravna regulativa, Gender and Law",
pages = "80-60"
}

Vujadinović, D.. (2013). Rod i pravna regulativa. in Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 3 / Perspectives of Implementation of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume III
Beograd : Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu Centar za izdavaštvo i informisanje., 60-80.

Vujadinović D. Rod i pravna regulativa. in Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 3 / Perspectives of Implementation of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume III. 2013;:60-80..

Vujadinović, Dragica, "Rod i pravna regulativa" in Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 3 / Perspectives of Implementation of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume III (2013):60-80.

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Vujadinović, Dragica
PY  - 2013
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/678
T2  - The Golden Chain: Family, Civil Society and the State
T1  - Family structures and civil society perspectives in present-day Serbia
EP  - 279
SP  - 260
VL  - 6
UR  - conv_3362
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Vujadinović, Dragica",
year = "2013",
journal = "The Golden Chain: Family, Civil Society and the State",
booktitle = "Family structures and civil society perspectives in present-day Serbia",
pages = "279-260",
volume = "6",
url = "conv_3362"
}

Vujadinović, D.. (2013). Family structures and civil society perspectives in present-day Serbia. in The Golden Chain: Family, Civil Society and the State, 6, 260-279.
conv_3362

Vujadinović D. Family structures and civil society perspectives in present-day Serbia. in The Golden Chain: Family, Civil Society and the State. 2013;6:260-279.
conv_3362 .

Vujadinović, Dragica, "Family structures and civil society perspectives in present-day Serbia" in The Golden Chain: Family, Civil Society and the State, 6 (2013):260-279,
conv_3362 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Vujadinović, Dragica
PY  - 2012
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1923
AB  - U tekstu se zastupa stav o temeljnom civilizacijskom, strateškom i praktičko-
političkom značaju feminističke perspektive za dominantne tokove zakonodavstva,
pravne prakse i pravničkog obrazovanja. Uvođenje rodne perspektive u
međunarodno i nacionalno pravo postalo je tokom nekoliko poslednjih decenija
jedan od temeljnih standarda zaštite i afirmacije univerzalne ljudske jednakosti.
Kultura ljudskih prava, uključujući prava koja proističu iz rodne ravnopravnosti,
trebalo bi da bude inherentan element svake pravničke profesije, a pre
toga i pravničkog obrazovanja – udžbeničke i ukupne pravne literature. Takođe,
kultura ljudskih prava i rodno senzibilisan način mišljenja trebalo bi, generalno
uzev, da budu ugrađeni u stručni i pedagoški rad svih predavača. U radu će biti
analizirani referentni pravni dokumenti Republike Srbije, u elementima koji su
najvažniji sa stanovišta rodne ravnopravnosti. Evropski pravni principi i norme
– koji se odnose na zaštitu ljudskih prava i rodnu ravnopravnost – služiće
kao kriterijum, s obzirom na najviše civilizacijske standarde koje je evropsko
zakonodavstvo uspostavilo, kao i s obzirom na zacrtani evropski put Srbije i
standardizaciju njenog pravnog sistema sa evropskim.
AB  - The background assumption of this article is that the feminist perspective
has been of an utmost civilizational, strategic and practical-political importance
for the mainstream of legislature, legal practice and legal education in Serbia.
Introducing of gender perspective into the both international and national legislature
has become one of the basic standards since a few decades ago for the
protection and promotion of universal human equality. The culture of human
rights, including the ones related to gender equality, should become an inherental
element of each legal profession, and also of the legal education as a whole
(e.g. of legal textbooks and all-inclusive legal literature). In addition, the culture
of human rights, including a gender sensitive approach, should be embedded
into pedagogical and professional dimension of academic lecturing as a whole.
Referential legal documents of the Republic of Serbia will be analized, in their
elements which are most relevant for gender equality. Before that, European legal
documents which are relevant for gender issue will be analized. European
legal principles and norms will serve as the criterium, according to the highest
civilizational standards which the European legislature has incorporated and
articulated from the gender perspective, as well as according to the proposed
European integration of Serbia and the proposed standardization of Serbian
legislature with the European one.
PB  - Beograd : Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu Centar za izdavaštvo i informisanje
T2  - Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 2 / Perspectives of Implementa                  tion of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume II
T1  - Perspektive rodne ravnopravnosti u sferi prava – slučaj Srbije
T1  - Perspectives of gender equality in the legal field – the case of Serbia
EP  - 109
SP  - 92
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Vujadinović, Dragica",
year = "2012",
abstract = "U tekstu se zastupa stav o temeljnom civilizacijskom, strateškom i praktičko-
političkom značaju feminističke perspektive za dominantne tokove zakonodavstva,
pravne prakse i pravničkog obrazovanja. Uvođenje rodne perspektive u
međunarodno i nacionalno pravo postalo je tokom nekoliko poslednjih decenija
jedan od temeljnih standarda zaštite i afirmacije univerzalne ljudske jednakosti.
Kultura ljudskih prava, uključujući prava koja proističu iz rodne ravnopravnosti,
trebalo bi da bude inherentan element svake pravničke profesije, a pre
toga i pravničkog obrazovanja – udžbeničke i ukupne pravne literature. Takođe,
kultura ljudskih prava i rodno senzibilisan način mišljenja trebalo bi, generalno
uzev, da budu ugrađeni u stručni i pedagoški rad svih predavača. U radu će biti
analizirani referentni pravni dokumenti Republike Srbije, u elementima koji su
najvažniji sa stanovišta rodne ravnopravnosti. Evropski pravni principi i norme
– koji se odnose na zaštitu ljudskih prava i rodnu ravnopravnost – služiće
kao kriterijum, s obzirom na najviše civilizacijske standarde koje je evropsko
zakonodavstvo uspostavilo, kao i s obzirom na zacrtani evropski put Srbije i
standardizaciju njenog pravnog sistema sa evropskim., The background assumption of this article is that the feminist perspective
has been of an utmost civilizational, strategic and practical-political importance
for the mainstream of legislature, legal practice and legal education in Serbia.
Introducing of gender perspective into the both international and national legislature
has become one of the basic standards since a few decades ago for the
protection and promotion of universal human equality. The culture of human
rights, including the ones related to gender equality, should become an inherental
element of each legal profession, and also of the legal education as a whole
(e.g. of legal textbooks and all-inclusive legal literature). In addition, the culture
of human rights, including a gender sensitive approach, should be embedded
into pedagogical and professional dimension of academic lecturing as a whole.
Referential legal documents of the Republic of Serbia will be analized, in their
elements which are most relevant for gender equality. Before that, European legal
documents which are relevant for gender issue will be analized. European
legal principles and norms will serve as the criterium, according to the highest
civilizational standards which the European legislature has incorporated and
articulated from the gender perspective, as well as according to the proposed
European integration of Serbia and the proposed standardization of Serbian
legislature with the European one.",
publisher = "Beograd : Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu Centar za izdavaštvo i informisanje",
journal = "Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 2 / Perspectives of Implementa                  tion of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume II",
booktitle = "Perspektive rodne ravnopravnosti u sferi prava – slučaj Srbije, Perspectives of gender equality in the legal field – the case of Serbia",
pages = "109-92"
}

Vujadinović, D.. (2012). Perspektive rodne ravnopravnosti u sferi prava – slučaj Srbije. in Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 2 / Perspectives of Implementa                  tion of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume II
Beograd : Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu Centar za izdavaštvo i informisanje., 92-109.

Vujadinović D. Perspektive rodne ravnopravnosti u sferi prava – slučaj Srbije. in Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 2 / Perspectives of Implementa                  tion of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume II. 2012;:92-109..

Vujadinović, Dragica, "Perspektive rodne ravnopravnosti u sferi prava – slučaj Srbije" in Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 2 / Perspectives of Implementa                  tion of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume II (2012):92-109.

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vujadinović, Dragica
PY  - 2012
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/644
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd
T2  - Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu
T1  - Zorica Mršević: Ka demokratskom društvu - rodna ravnopravnost, Institut društvenih nauka, Beograd, 2011
EP  - 405
IS  - 1
SP  - 399
VL  - 60
UR  - conv_260
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Vujadinović, Dragica",
year = "2012",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd",
journal = "Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu",
title = "Zorica Mršević: Ka demokratskom društvu - rodna ravnopravnost, Institut društvenih nauka, Beograd, 2011",
pages = "405-399",
number = "1",
volume = "60",
url = "conv_260"
}

Vujadinović, D.. (2012). Zorica Mršević: Ka demokratskom društvu - rodna ravnopravnost, Institut društvenih nauka, Beograd, 2011. in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd., 60(1), 399-405.
conv_260

Vujadinović D. Zorica Mršević: Ka demokratskom društvu - rodna ravnopravnost, Institut društvenih nauka, Beograd, 2011. in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu. 2012;60(1):399-405.
conv_260 .

Vujadinović, Dragica, "Zorica Mršević: Ka demokratskom društvu - rodna ravnopravnost, Institut društvenih nauka, Beograd, 2011" in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu, 60, no. 1 (2012):399-405,
conv_260 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vujadinović, Dragica
PY  - 2012
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/634
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd
T2  - Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu
T1  - Ronald Dworkin: Justice for hedgehogs, Harvard University Press, Cambridge - London, 2011
EP  - 338
IS  - 3
SP  - 334
VL  - 60
UR  - conv_281
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Vujadinović, Dragica",
year = "2012",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd",
journal = "Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu",
title = "Ronald Dworkin: Justice for hedgehogs, Harvard University Press, Cambridge - London, 2011",
pages = "338-334",
number = "3",
volume = "60",
url = "conv_281"
}

Vujadinović, D.. (2012). Ronald Dworkin: Justice for hedgehogs, Harvard University Press, Cambridge - London, 2011. in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd., 60(3), 334-338.
conv_281

Vujadinović D. Ronald Dworkin: Justice for hedgehogs, Harvard University Press, Cambridge - London, 2011. in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu. 2012;60(3):334-338.
conv_281 .

Vujadinović, Dragica, "Ronald Dworkin: Justice for hedgehogs, Harvard University Press, Cambridge - London, 2011" in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu, 60, no. 3 (2012):334-338,
conv_281 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Vujadinović, Dragica
PY  - 2011
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1900
AB  - Izvorni model političkog identiteta pripada nacionalnoj državi kao primarnom
obliku političke zajednice i uvek sadrži tri dimenzije – objektivnu, subjektivnu
i interpretativnu. Uspostavljanje transnacionalne ili postnacionalne političke
konfiguracije kakva je Evropska unija (EU), nametnulo je potrebu za traženjem
novih određenja političkog identiteta koji je nesvodljiv na nacionalnu državu. Pri
tom, na delu su različita tumačenja i nacionalnog i pomenutog transnacionalnog
identiteta i utoliko je opravdano govoriti o političkom identitetu uvek iznova kao
o određenom (idejnom ili ideološkom) konstruktu/tumačenju.
Građansko tumačenje evropskog identiteta vezano je za evropski ustavni
patriotizam. Ustavni patriotizam koji se generalno odnosi na nacionalnu državu,
nije primenljiv direktno na evropski ustavni patriotizam; ustavni patriotizam
u vezi sa EU dobija nova značenja, koja ne traže punu lojalnost jednom
centru vlasti i do kraja definisanom ustavnom poretku. Evropski ustavni patriotizam,
između ostalog, pretpostavlja otvoreno polje deliberacije za sve Evropljane
oko daljeg unapređivanja ustavnog poretka EU, on je povezan s motivisanošću
Evropljana za unapređivanje evropske zajednice naroda i njenih civilizacijskih
dostignuća, ali uz poštovanje ustavnog poretka i sopstvene nacionalne države.
Građansko tumačenje političkog identiteta savremene Srbije, koje je usmereno
na reforme u pravcu uspostavljanja ustavne demokratije, kompatibilno je
sa nastojanjima Srbije da se integriše u EU. Standardi (pravni, politički, ekonomski),
koji se postavljaju pred Srbiju na putu integracije u EU, pod pretpostavkom
njihovog ostvarenja, predstavljaju civilizacijski benefit za Srbiju.
AB  - The concept of political identity has been originally linked to the nationstate,
as a primary form of the modern political community, and it always contains
three dimensions: objective, subjective and interpretative one. Establishing
of the trans-national or post-national political configuration in the case of
European Union (EU), has imposed the need for finding out new definition for
the new political identity, which has been irreducable on what meant national 
state`s identity. In the case of European identity the question is about a new
form of identity related to the political community which certainly is not equal
to the nation-state. However, in each case of considering the political identity
of both national and trans-national political community, a certain conceptual/
ideological construct has been always again at agenda.
Civic interpretation of the European identity is linked with the European
constitutional patriotism. Constitutional patriotism related to the national state
cannot be identified with the European constitutional patriotism, which means
something different from a loyalty to constitutionally defined political order of
the sovereign national state and one center of power; European constitutional
patriotism means, among the others, an open field of deliberation for the Europeans
about further building up the more relaxed and self-reflexive constitutional
order of the EU; it is related to the motivation of Europeans for improving
the European community of the peoples and the civilizational achievements
of the EU, but inseparably from the full respect for the constitutional order of
their own national states.
Civic interpretation of political identity of the contemporary Serbia, as being
oriented towards democratic reforms and establishing of the constitutional
democracy has been in accordance with intentions of Serbia to become a
member of the EU. The standards (legal, political, economic), which have been
proposed to Serbia on her way towards European accession, have represented
civilizational benefit for Serbia.
PB  - Beograd : Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu Centar za izdavaštvo i informisanje
T2  - Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 1 / Perspectives of Implementation of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume I
T1  - Srbija u potrazi za evropskim identitetom
T1  - Consideration of The European identity
EP  - 66
SP  - 54
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Vujadinović, Dragica",
year = "2011",
abstract = "Izvorni model političkog identiteta pripada nacionalnoj državi kao primarnom
obliku političke zajednice i uvek sadrži tri dimenzije – objektivnu, subjektivnu
i interpretativnu. Uspostavljanje transnacionalne ili postnacionalne političke
konfiguracije kakva je Evropska unija (EU), nametnulo je potrebu za traženjem
novih određenja političkog identiteta koji je nesvodljiv na nacionalnu državu. Pri
tom, na delu su različita tumačenja i nacionalnog i pomenutog transnacionalnog
identiteta i utoliko je opravdano govoriti o političkom identitetu uvek iznova kao
o određenom (idejnom ili ideološkom) konstruktu/tumačenju.
Građansko tumačenje evropskog identiteta vezano je za evropski ustavni
patriotizam. Ustavni patriotizam koji se generalno odnosi na nacionalnu državu,
nije primenljiv direktno na evropski ustavni patriotizam; ustavni patriotizam
u vezi sa EU dobija nova značenja, koja ne traže punu lojalnost jednom
centru vlasti i do kraja definisanom ustavnom poretku. Evropski ustavni patriotizam,
između ostalog, pretpostavlja otvoreno polje deliberacije za sve Evropljane
oko daljeg unapređivanja ustavnog poretka EU, on je povezan s motivisanošću
Evropljana za unapređivanje evropske zajednice naroda i njenih civilizacijskih
dostignuća, ali uz poštovanje ustavnog poretka i sopstvene nacionalne države.
Građansko tumačenje političkog identiteta savremene Srbije, koje je usmereno
na reforme u pravcu uspostavljanja ustavne demokratije, kompatibilno je
sa nastojanjima Srbije da se integriše u EU. Standardi (pravni, politički, ekonomski),
koji se postavljaju pred Srbiju na putu integracije u EU, pod pretpostavkom
njihovog ostvarenja, predstavljaju civilizacijski benefit za Srbiju., The concept of political identity has been originally linked to the nationstate,
as a primary form of the modern political community, and it always contains
three dimensions: objective, subjective and interpretative one. Establishing
of the trans-national or post-national political configuration in the case of
European Union (EU), has imposed the need for finding out new definition for
the new political identity, which has been irreducable on what meant national 
state`s identity. In the case of European identity the question is about a new
form of identity related to the political community which certainly is not equal
to the nation-state. However, in each case of considering the political identity
of both national and trans-national political community, a certain conceptual/
ideological construct has been always again at agenda.
Civic interpretation of the European identity is linked with the European
constitutional patriotism. Constitutional patriotism related to the national state
cannot be identified with the European constitutional patriotism, which means
something different from a loyalty to constitutionally defined political order of
the sovereign national state and one center of power; European constitutional
patriotism means, among the others, an open field of deliberation for the Europeans
about further building up the more relaxed and self-reflexive constitutional
order of the EU; it is related to the motivation of Europeans for improving
the European community of the peoples and the civilizational achievements
of the EU, but inseparably from the full respect for the constitutional order of
their own national states.
Civic interpretation of political identity of the contemporary Serbia, as being
oriented towards democratic reforms and establishing of the constitutional
democracy has been in accordance with intentions of Serbia to become a
member of the EU. The standards (legal, political, economic), which have been
proposed to Serbia on her way towards European accession, have represented
civilizational benefit for Serbia.",
publisher = "Beograd : Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu Centar za izdavaštvo i informisanje",
journal = "Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 1 / Perspectives of Implementation of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume I",
booktitle = "Srbija u potrazi za evropskim identitetom, Consideration of The European identity",
pages = "66-54"
}

Vujadinović, D.. (2011). Srbija u potrazi za evropskim identitetom. in Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 1 / Perspectives of Implementation of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume I
Beograd : Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu Centar za izdavaštvo i informisanje., 54-66.

Vujadinović D. Srbija u potrazi za evropskim identitetom. in Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 1 / Perspectives of Implementation of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume I. 2011;:54-66..

Vujadinović, Dragica, "Srbija u potrazi za evropskim identitetom" in Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije : zbornik radova. Knj. 1 / Perspectives of Implementation of European Standards in Serbian Legal System : Volume I (2011):54-66.

TY  - CONF
AU  - Vujadinović, Dragica
PY  - 2011
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/585
AB  - European identity can be considered in its objective dimension, as being the top-down project and also the bottom-up process of building the genuine form of the trans-national political community, as well as in its subjective dimension related to the identification of the individuals and groups - the Europeans - with this new political community and in addition to their already established identification with a certain nation-state. The third dimension, related to the relevant interpretative models - ethno-cultural/Euroscepticism approach, European constitutional patriotism, pluralist/multiculturalism approach - has also been important factor of European identity-building. New type of political community opens new questions - whether it is a Europe as the family of nations, a Europe of citizens, a Europe which is going to be built through common practices, a Christian Europe or a Europe of mutual matching and crossing civilizations, a secular Europe or Europe of religious Christian heredity and/or different religions. Founding Treaties define European identity politically, starting from the motto "Unity in Diversity". However, this motto is differently interpreted by communitarians/Euro nationalists, ethno-nationalists/Euro skeptics, liberals and republicans/European constitutional patriots. Controversial character of political identity has to be kept in mind always again. The politics of identity, the misuse of an ethnically concieved concept of identity with its war-like consequences, has represented one of the most destructive potentials of a contemporary politics, including the region of Europe (Western Balkans). On the other hand, political communities cannot survive without homogenizing force of a common identity, and it is especially valid for proposed democratic communities, including European Union. When European identity is regarded, it is most important to define its meaning in a sense which will empower a democratic capacity of the European Union, which will contribute to overcoming its democratic deficit, and will also contribute to escaping particularist, xenophobic, Euro skeptic tendencies and sentiments.
PB  - Croatian Philosophical Soc, Zagreb
C3  - Synthesis Philosophica
T1  - On European Identity
EP  - 132
IS  - 1
SP  - 117
VL  - 26
UR  - conv_3331
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Vujadinović, Dragica",
year = "2011",
abstract = "European identity can be considered in its objective dimension, as being the top-down project and also the bottom-up process of building the genuine form of the trans-national political community, as well as in its subjective dimension related to the identification of the individuals and groups - the Europeans - with this new political community and in addition to their already established identification with a certain nation-state. The third dimension, related to the relevant interpretative models - ethno-cultural/Euroscepticism approach, European constitutional patriotism, pluralist/multiculturalism approach - has also been important factor of European identity-building. New type of political community opens new questions - whether it is a Europe as the family of nations, a Europe of citizens, a Europe which is going to be built through common practices, a Christian Europe or a Europe of mutual matching and crossing civilizations, a secular Europe or Europe of religious Christian heredity and/or different religions. Founding Treaties define European identity politically, starting from the motto "Unity in Diversity". However, this motto is differently interpreted by communitarians/Euro nationalists, ethno-nationalists/Euro skeptics, liberals and republicans/European constitutional patriots. Controversial character of political identity has to be kept in mind always again. The politics of identity, the misuse of an ethnically concieved concept of identity with its war-like consequences, has represented one of the most destructive potentials of a contemporary politics, including the region of Europe (Western Balkans). On the other hand, political communities cannot survive without homogenizing force of a common identity, and it is especially valid for proposed democratic communities, including European Union. When European identity is regarded, it is most important to define its meaning in a sense which will empower a democratic capacity of the European Union, which will contribute to overcoming its democratic deficit, and will also contribute to escaping particularist, xenophobic, Euro skeptic tendencies and sentiments.",
publisher = "Croatian Philosophical Soc, Zagreb",
journal = "Synthesis Philosophica",
title = "On European Identity",
pages = "132-117",
number = "1",
volume = "26",
url = "conv_3331"
}

Vujadinović, D.. (2011). On European Identity. in Synthesis Philosophica
Croatian Philosophical Soc, Zagreb., 26(1), 117-132.
conv_3331

Vujadinović D. On European Identity. in Synthesis Philosophica. 2011;26(1):117-132.
conv_3331 .

Vujadinović, Dragica, "On European Identity" in Synthesis Philosophica, 26, no. 1 (2011):117-132,
conv_3331 .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Vujadinović, Dragica
PY  - 2009
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/429
AB  - The latest discussions about civil society have been reconsidering the globalization processes, and the theoretical discourse has been broadened to include the notion of the global civil society. The notion and the practice of a civil society are being globalized in a way that reflects the empirical processes of inter-connecting societies and of shaping a world society. From the normative-mobilizing perspective, civil society activists and theoreticians stress the need to defend the world society from the global threat of a nuclear war; environmental catastrophes, crime and violence. domination of world powers over the fate of individual countries and societies, i.e. the need to oppose the tendency of "power policy" on the world level, and to defend the autonomy of the (world) society as one compatible primarily with the expansion of policies based on the rule of law worldwide, and incompatible with the policy of force, state reasons, and domination of world power-centers. The globalization processes result in a conflicting and/or assimilative crossing of civilizations and cultures, as well as controversial tendencies of on one hand, attempts for the introduction of international political institutions and the adoption of international conventions for human rights 'protection, for the defense of democratic values, for combating terrorism and segregation on various grounds, thus leading to a global standardization of the human-rights culture and of democratic political and legal order, and on the other, of rising xenophobia, particularization and ethno nationalism, civil wars, ecological threats, global terrorism, threat of hunger problem, nuclear war; new disease, etc. Contemporary victory of liberal and democratic values is the positive reach, but followed by the contested issue of sovereignty, urban decay, racism, ethnic cleansing, xenophobia, failing political legitimacy (in the West), and followed at the world scale by: global injustice, poverty, environmental dangers, mass and deadly diseases, oppression of minority groups, relentless growth of population, political and economic power great asymmetries, terrorism of the global scale, threat of a nuclear disaster etc. Global civil society has three dimensions: 1) empirical phenomena of globalized social relations, interconnections, 2) mobilizing, formative force of the project/vision, and 3) social actors (movements) at the global/transnational level. The anti-globalization movement is an effort to counter perceive negative aspects of the current process of globalization. Although adherents of the movement often work in concert, the movement itself is heterogeneous and includes diverse, sometimes opposing, understandings of this process, alternative visions, strategies and tactics. Thus, more nuanced terms include anti-capitalist/anti-corporate alternative globalization. Participants may use the positive terms such as 'global justice' or 'fair trade movement'; or 'Global Justice and Solidarity Movement'; or 'Movement of Movements'; or simply 'The Movement': or 'anti-corporatist capitalism movement'. Generally speaking, anti-globalization movement is not so much an opposition to globalization as such than an opposition to the particular way it is taking place - like neoliberal process of globalization. In that sense, many representatives of the movement prefer to be called altermondialism.
PB  - Croatian Philosophical Soc, Zagreb
C3  - Synthesis Philosophica
T1  - Global Civil Society as Concept and Practice in the Processes of Globalization
EP  - 99
IS  - 1
SP  - 79
VL  - 24
UR  - conv_3440
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Vujadinović, Dragica",
year = "2009",
abstract = "The latest discussions about civil society have been reconsidering the globalization processes, and the theoretical discourse has been broadened to include the notion of the global civil society. The notion and the practice of a civil society are being globalized in a way that reflects the empirical processes of inter-connecting societies and of shaping a world society. From the normative-mobilizing perspective, civil society activists and theoreticians stress the need to defend the world society from the global threat of a nuclear war; environmental catastrophes, crime and violence. domination of world powers over the fate of individual countries and societies, i.e. the need to oppose the tendency of "power policy" on the world level, and to defend the autonomy of the (world) society as one compatible primarily with the expansion of policies based on the rule of law worldwide, and incompatible with the policy of force, state reasons, and domination of world power-centers. The globalization processes result in a conflicting and/or assimilative crossing of civilizations and cultures, as well as controversial tendencies of on one hand, attempts for the introduction of international political institutions and the adoption of international conventions for human rights 'protection, for the defense of democratic values, for combating terrorism and segregation on various grounds, thus leading to a global standardization of the human-rights culture and of democratic political and legal order, and on the other, of rising xenophobia, particularization and ethno nationalism, civil wars, ecological threats, global terrorism, threat of hunger problem, nuclear war; new disease, etc. Contemporary victory of liberal and democratic values is the positive reach, but followed by the contested issue of sovereignty, urban decay, racism, ethnic cleansing, xenophobia, failing political legitimacy (in the West), and followed at the world scale by: global injustice, poverty, environmental dangers, mass and deadly diseases, oppression of minority groups, relentless growth of population, political and economic power great asymmetries, terrorism of the global scale, threat of a nuclear disaster etc. Global civil society has three dimensions: 1) empirical phenomena of globalized social relations, interconnections, 2) mobilizing, formative force of the project/vision, and 3) social actors (movements) at the global/transnational level. The anti-globalization movement is an effort to counter perceive negative aspects of the current process of globalization. Although adherents of the movement often work in concert, the movement itself is heterogeneous and includes diverse, sometimes opposing, understandings of this process, alternative visions, strategies and tactics. Thus, more nuanced terms include anti-capitalist/anti-corporate alternative globalization. Participants may use the positive terms such as 'global justice' or 'fair trade movement'; or 'Global Justice and Solidarity Movement'; or 'Movement of Movements'; or simply 'The Movement': or 'anti-corporatist capitalism movement'. Generally speaking, anti-globalization movement is not so much an opposition to globalization as such than an opposition to the particular way it is taking place - like neoliberal process of globalization. In that sense, many representatives of the movement prefer to be called altermondialism.",
publisher = "Croatian Philosophical Soc, Zagreb",
journal = "Synthesis Philosophica",
title = "Global Civil Society as Concept and Practice in the Processes of Globalization",
pages = "99-79",
number = "1",
volume = "24",
url = "conv_3440"
}

Vujadinović, D.. (2009). Global Civil Society as Concept and Practice in the Processes of Globalization. in Synthesis Philosophica
Croatian Philosophical Soc, Zagreb., 24(1), 79-99.
conv_3440

Vujadinović D. Global Civil Society as Concept and Practice in the Processes of Globalization. in Synthesis Philosophica. 2009;24(1):79-99.
conv_3440 .

Vujadinović, Dragica, "Global Civil Society as Concept and Practice in the Processes of Globalization" in Synthesis Philosophica, 24, no. 1 (2009):79-99,
conv_3440 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vujadinović, Dragica
PY  - 2008
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/378
AB  - In this tart is offerred the cathegorial clarification of "civil society" and "political culture", as well as of their essential interconnection in the framework of constitutional democracy. In the context of analysis of civil society, democratic political culture and the bipolar paradigm "civil society-legal state", special attention is paid to the building of republican elements into liberal tradition and model of a developed democratic order. There is also pointed to an importance of a continuous democratization of civil society (emancipatory activism on the basis of the principles of autonomy, associativity and publicity), as well as the promotion of democratic political culture (development of civic virtues based on the principles of tolerance, non-violence, solidarity, freedom, equality, justice for establishing and perfectuating the constitutional democracy.
PB  - Croatian Philosophical Soc, Zagreb
T2  - Filozofska Istrazivanja
T1  - Civil society and political culture
EP  - 33
IS  - 1
SP  - 21
VL  - 28
UR  - conv_2884
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Vujadinović, Dragica",
year = "2008",
abstract = "In this tart is offerred the cathegorial clarification of "civil society" and "political culture", as well as of their essential interconnection in the framework of constitutional democracy. In the context of analysis of civil society, democratic political culture and the bipolar paradigm "civil society-legal state", special attention is paid to the building of republican elements into liberal tradition and model of a developed democratic order. There is also pointed to an importance of a continuous democratization of civil society (emancipatory activism on the basis of the principles of autonomy, associativity and publicity), as well as the promotion of democratic political culture (development of civic virtues based on the principles of tolerance, non-violence, solidarity, freedom, equality, justice for establishing and perfectuating the constitutional democracy.",
publisher = "Croatian Philosophical Soc, Zagreb",
journal = "Filozofska Istrazivanja",
title = "Civil society and political culture",
pages = "33-21",
number = "1",
volume = "28",
url = "conv_2884"
}

Vujadinović, D.. (2008). Civil society and political culture. in Filozofska Istrazivanja
Croatian Philosophical Soc, Zagreb., 28(1), 21-33.
conv_2884

Vujadinović D. Civil society and political culture. in Filozofska Istrazivanja. 2008;28(1):21-33.
conv_2884 .

Vujadinović, Dragica, "Civil society and political culture" in Filozofska Istrazivanja, 28, no. 1 (2008):21-33,
conv_2884 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vujadinović, Dragica
PY  - 2007
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/351
AB  - Tekst se bavi Ciceronovim političko-filozofskim nasleđem, pre svega njegovim shvatanjem o političkoj mudrosti i vrlinama neophodnim za bavljenje politikom, o građanskoj dužnosti bavljenja politikom i državničkim poslovima na mudar način i za opšte dobro, kao i tome da se političke vrline i građanske dužnosti stiču u dobro uređenom i na dobrim zakonima zasnovanom poretku. Motivi bavljenja ovom temom su političko-filozofski, ali i veoma konkretni praktičko-politički: namera je da se politička i intelektualna javnost u Srbiji podseti na suštinski značaj bavljenja politikom u skladu s političkom mudrošću, političkim vrlinama i građanskim dužnostima, i u svrhu opšteg dobra zajednice, a nikako za ličnu korist.
AB  - This text is devoted to the political-philosophical legacy of Cicero, connected with his ideas about the best political order and importance of the best legal system, as presented in De republica and De legibus. However, the special focus is put on his conception of political morality, as considered in his book De officious. There are political virtues conceived as the basis of civic duties, which demand from all citizens (and especially from the most virtuous ones) to devote their life to the politics and governance of the state, and to do that in a wise way and in favor of the common good. Another Cicero's belief is that a well ordered political and legal system contributes to the development and promotion of political virtues and civic duties of the citizens. The author of the text mentions two motives for considering this topic: the first one is political-philosophical theoretical in its character; the second one is concrete historical and practical political, i.e. directly linked with the Serbian political practice. Namely, the author intends to remind the intellectual and political elites and the public in general in Serbia to the essential importance of practicing politics in accordance with political morality political virtues and civic duties, and primarily in favor of the common good instead of in favor of the mere personal interests or particularist benefits.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd
T2  - Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu
T1  - Ciceronovo shvatanje političkih vrlina
T1  - Cicero's comprehension of political virtues
EP  - 119
IS  - 1
SP  - 100
VL  - 55
UR  - conv_100
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Vujadinović, Dragica",
year = "2007",
abstract = "Tekst se bavi Ciceronovim političko-filozofskim nasleđem, pre svega njegovim shvatanjem o političkoj mudrosti i vrlinama neophodnim za bavljenje politikom, o građanskoj dužnosti bavljenja politikom i državničkim poslovima na mudar način i za opšte dobro, kao i tome da se političke vrline i građanske dužnosti stiču u dobro uređenom i na dobrim zakonima zasnovanom poretku. Motivi bavljenja ovom temom su političko-filozofski, ali i veoma konkretni praktičko-politički: namera je da se politička i intelektualna javnost u Srbiji podseti na suštinski značaj bavljenja politikom u skladu s političkom mudrošću, političkim vrlinama i građanskim dužnostima, i u svrhu opšteg dobra zajednice, a nikako za ličnu korist., This text is devoted to the political-philosophical legacy of Cicero, connected with his ideas about the best political order and importance of the best legal system, as presented in De republica and De legibus. However, the special focus is put on his conception of political morality, as considered in his book De officious. There are political virtues conceived as the basis of civic duties, which demand from all citizens (and especially from the most virtuous ones) to devote their life to the politics and governance of the state, and to do that in a wise way and in favor of the common good. Another Cicero's belief is that a well ordered political and legal system contributes to the development and promotion of political virtues and civic duties of the citizens. The author of the text mentions two motives for considering this topic: the first one is political-philosophical theoretical in its character; the second one is concrete historical and practical political, i.e. directly linked with the Serbian political practice. Namely, the author intends to remind the intellectual and political elites and the public in general in Serbia to the essential importance of practicing politics in accordance with political morality political virtues and civic duties, and primarily in favor of the common good instead of in favor of the mere personal interests or particularist benefits.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd",
journal = "Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu",
title = "Ciceronovo shvatanje političkih vrlina, Cicero's comprehension of political virtues",
pages = "119-100",
number = "1",
volume = "55",
url = "conv_100"
}

Vujadinović, D.. (2007). Ciceronovo shvatanje političkih vrlina. in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd., 55(1), 100-119.
conv_100

Vujadinović D. Ciceronovo shvatanje političkih vrlina. in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu. 2007;55(1):100-119.
conv_100 .

Vujadinović, Dragica, "Ciceronovo shvatanje političkih vrlina" in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu, 55, no. 1 (2007):100-119,
conv_100 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vujadinović, Dragica
PY  - 2005
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/261
AB  - U ovom radu autorka se bavi pogledima Ronalda Dvorkina izloženim u knjizi Suverena vrlina - teorija i praksa jednakosti. U njoj Dvorkin pokušava da pruži model raspodele društvenog bogatstva koji bi najviše odgovarao pravdi i idealu "jednakog tretmana" svih osoba u društvu. Taj model uključuje kompenzaciju za ograničenja nezavisna od volje pojedinaca, ali izvan toga ipak individualni uspeh čini zavisnim od odluka, rada i talenata članova društva. Rad sadrži i pregled važnijih komentara Dvorkinove knjige od strane Vila Kimlike, Pitera Berkovica i Entonija Ejpije. Na kraju autorka daje svoje metodološke primedbe na Dvorkinovu teoriju koje govore o nesaglasnostima u raznim fazama Dvorkinovog rada.
AB  - Author examines Ronald Dworkin's theses as presented in Sovereign Virtue - The Theory and Practice of Equality. Dworkin tries to construct just model of social distribution, the one that would correspond to ideal of "equal treatment" of each individual. That model includes compensation for handicaps that do not depend on individual will, but it also makes individual success dependent on decisions, labor and individual talents. Article estimates the most important reviews of Dworkin's thought (by P. Berkowitz, K. A. Appiah, W. Kymlicka). In the conclusion author gives methodological objections on Dworkin's theory and on inconsistencies in different phases of his scientific development.
PB  - IIC Nova srpska politička misao, Beograd
T2  - Nova srpska politička misao
T1  - Princip jednakosti u Dvorkinovoj političkoj filozofiji
T1  - Principle of equality in Dworkin's political philosophy
EP  - 268
IS  - 1-4
SP  - 247
VL  - 10
UR  - conv_2644
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Vujadinović, Dragica",
year = "2005",
abstract = "U ovom radu autorka se bavi pogledima Ronalda Dvorkina izloženim u knjizi Suverena vrlina - teorija i praksa jednakosti. U njoj Dvorkin pokušava da pruži model raspodele društvenog bogatstva koji bi najviše odgovarao pravdi i idealu "jednakog tretmana" svih osoba u društvu. Taj model uključuje kompenzaciju za ograničenja nezavisna od volje pojedinaca, ali izvan toga ipak individualni uspeh čini zavisnim od odluka, rada i talenata članova društva. Rad sadrži i pregled važnijih komentara Dvorkinove knjige od strane Vila Kimlike, Pitera Berkovica i Entonija Ejpije. Na kraju autorka daje svoje metodološke primedbe na Dvorkinovu teoriju koje govore o nesaglasnostima u raznim fazama Dvorkinovog rada., Author examines Ronald Dworkin's theses as presented in Sovereign Virtue - The Theory and Practice of Equality. Dworkin tries to construct just model of social distribution, the one that would correspond to ideal of "equal treatment" of each individual. That model includes compensation for handicaps that do not depend on individual will, but it also makes individual success dependent on decisions, labor and individual talents. Article estimates the most important reviews of Dworkin's thought (by P. Berkowitz, K. A. Appiah, W. Kymlicka). In the conclusion author gives methodological objections on Dworkin's theory and on inconsistencies in different phases of his scientific development.",
publisher = "IIC Nova srpska politička misao, Beograd",
journal = "Nova srpska politička misao",
title = "Princip jednakosti u Dvorkinovoj političkoj filozofiji, Principle of equality in Dworkin's political philosophy",
pages = "268-247",
number = "1-4",
volume = "10",
url = "conv_2644"
}

Vujadinović, D.. (2005). Princip jednakosti u Dvorkinovoj političkoj filozofiji. in Nova srpska politička misao
IIC Nova srpska politička misao, Beograd., 10(1-4), 247-268.
conv_2644

Vujadinović D. Princip jednakosti u Dvorkinovoj političkoj filozofiji. in Nova srpska politička misao. 2005;10(1-4):247-268.
conv_2644 .

Vujadinović, Dragica, "Princip jednakosti u Dvorkinovoj političkoj filozofiji" in Nova srpska politička misao, 10, no. 1-4 (2005):247-268,
conv_2644 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vujadinović-Milinković, Dragica
PY  - 2001
UR  - https://ralf.ius.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/171
AB  - Pitanje mogućnosti i statusa objektivne istine u polju vrednosti spada u najteža filozofska pitanja. Ronald Dvorkin se bavi ovim epistemološkim pitanjem kao jednom od temeljnih (uz filozofsku etiku) pretpostavki političke moralnosti (političke filozofije pravde). Kao i celina Dvorkinovog opusa, ova analiza je smeštena u okvire liberalne filozofske tradicije. Dvorkin zastupa epistemološku poziciju, unutrašnjeg skepticizma, nasuprot savremenim koncepcijama 'postmodernizma', 'antifundamentalizma' i 'neopragmatizma', koje negiraju svaku mogućnost objektivne istine u moralu etici, pravu. Za ove koncepcije, koje naziva stanovištima 'spoljašnjeg skepticizma', on kaže da su ne samo pogrešne, već i opasne, jer anuliraju standarde vrednosnog diskursa i samu mogućnost objektivnog prosuđivanja ljudskog delanja. Po Dvorkinu, moralni karakter nekog događaja, akta, ili osobe, može biti objektivno istinit. U načelu, objektivno istinite tvrdnje su moguće u svim oblastima vrednosti - u moralu, etici, pravu, estetici. Genocid je objektivno pogrešan, a ne samo zato što mi mislimo da je pogrešan. S druge strane, postoje slučajevi moralnih akata, događaja, osoba, koji mogu biti objektivno neodređenog karaktera (recimo, abortus, eutanazija). U pravu su mogući sudovi neodređenosti, tvrdnje da nema pravog odgovora na neki težak slučaj, ali one su, s jedne strane, retke, a c druge, nisu ni poželjne sa stanovišta praktičke usmerenosti prava. Po koncepciji unutrašnjeg skepticizma, svaki skeptički stav se može razrešiti unutar vrednosnog diskursa i uz pomoć vrednosnih sudova višeg nivoa apstrakcije. Akcenat unutrašnjeg skepticizma je na mogućnosti objektivno istinitih tvrdnji u oblastima etike, morala, prava, i to na osnovama epistemologije ekvilibrijuma i shvatanja Polja vrednosti kao suverenog, autonomnog dela ljudskog iskustva, a nasuprot hijerarhijskoj epistemologiji i 'lošoj metafizici' spoljašnjeg skepticizma. Stanovište unutrašnjeg skepticizma je elaborirano kao vrednosno shvatanje o moralnosti i o vrednostima uopšte uzev.
AB  - Ronald Dworkin advocates an epislemological position of inner skepticism applied to people's value judgments in the fields of ethics, morals, law esthetics. Inner skepticism is characterized by the belief that it is neither possible nor desirable to be skeptical all the way through. Notably there are certain value assessments or substantive value judgments which can be affirmed as objectively truthful. According to this opinion, it is possible to have pluralism of values, as well as a historic evolution of value assessments, while it is not possible to give final value judgments on specific actions, developments and personalities. At the same time, a structurally indefinite position can always find a practical solution in a more general substantive value judgment. Dworkin concludes that substantive indefinite judgments are possible in law, too, and that legal statements can be substantively negative, positive or indefinite. Indefinite judgments in law are skeptical, just as in any other filed of value. Nonetheless Dworkin's opinion is that in the field of law, indefinite judgments have negative consequences for the inherent need of law to bring about specific decisions, and he opposes contemporary post-modern tendencies in law with a thesis that irresolvable cases in law are very rare, and that 'difficult cases' are, in principle, resolvable at a higher level of abstraction within the framework of the legal theory itself, as well as in the light of its accordance with political morality and philosophical ethics.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd
T2  - Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu
T1  - Ronald Dvorkin - smisao objektivnog važenja vrednosnih sudova
T1  - Ronald Dworkin: The purpose of the objective truth of value judgments in morals and law
EP  - 115
IS  - 1-4
SP  - 79
VL  - 49
UR  - conv_4
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Vujadinović-Milinković, Dragica",
year = "2001",
abstract = "Pitanje mogućnosti i statusa objektivne istine u polju vrednosti spada u najteža filozofska pitanja. Ronald Dvorkin se bavi ovim epistemološkim pitanjem kao jednom od temeljnih (uz filozofsku etiku) pretpostavki političke moralnosti (političke filozofije pravde). Kao i celina Dvorkinovog opusa, ova analiza je smeštena u okvire liberalne filozofske tradicije. Dvorkin zastupa epistemološku poziciju, unutrašnjeg skepticizma, nasuprot savremenim koncepcijama 'postmodernizma', 'antifundamentalizma' i 'neopragmatizma', koje negiraju svaku mogućnost objektivne istine u moralu etici, pravu. Za ove koncepcije, koje naziva stanovištima 'spoljašnjeg skepticizma', on kaže da su ne samo pogrešne, već i opasne, jer anuliraju standarde vrednosnog diskursa i samu mogućnost objektivnog prosuđivanja ljudskog delanja. Po Dvorkinu, moralni karakter nekog događaja, akta, ili osobe, može biti objektivno istinit. U načelu, objektivno istinite tvrdnje su moguće u svim oblastima vrednosti - u moralu, etici, pravu, estetici. Genocid je objektivno pogrešan, a ne samo zato što mi mislimo da je pogrešan. S druge strane, postoje slučajevi moralnih akata, događaja, osoba, koji mogu biti objektivno neodređenog karaktera (recimo, abortus, eutanazija). U pravu su mogući sudovi neodređenosti, tvrdnje da nema pravog odgovora na neki težak slučaj, ali one su, s jedne strane, retke, a c druge, nisu ni poželjne sa stanovišta praktičke usmerenosti prava. Po koncepciji unutrašnjeg skepticizma, svaki skeptički stav se može razrešiti unutar vrednosnog diskursa i uz pomoć vrednosnih sudova višeg nivoa apstrakcije. Akcenat unutrašnjeg skepticizma je na mogućnosti objektivno istinitih tvrdnji u oblastima etike, morala, prava, i to na osnovama epistemologije ekvilibrijuma i shvatanja Polja vrednosti kao suverenog, autonomnog dela ljudskog iskustva, a nasuprot hijerarhijskoj epistemologiji i 'lošoj metafizici' spoljašnjeg skepticizma. Stanovište unutrašnjeg skepticizma je elaborirano kao vrednosno shvatanje o moralnosti i o vrednostima uopšte uzev., Ronald Dworkin advocates an epislemological position of inner skepticism applied to people's value judgments in the fields of ethics, morals, law esthetics. Inner skepticism is characterized by the belief that it is neither possible nor desirable to be skeptical all the way through. Notably there are certain value assessments or substantive value judgments which can be affirmed as objectively truthful. According to this opinion, it is possible to have pluralism of values, as well as a historic evolution of value assessments, while it is not possible to give final value judgments on specific actions, developments and personalities. At the same time, a structurally indefinite position can always find a practical solution in a more general substantive value judgment. Dworkin concludes that substantive indefinite judgments are possible in law, too, and that legal statements can be substantively negative, positive or indefinite. Indefinite judgments in law are skeptical, just as in any other filed of value. Nonetheless Dworkin's opinion is that in the field of law, indefinite judgments have negative consequences for the inherent need of law to bring about specific decisions, and he opposes contemporary post-modern tendencies in law with a thesis that irresolvable cases in law are very rare, and that 'difficult cases' are, in principle, resolvable at a higher level of abstraction within the framework of the legal theory itself, as well as in the light of its accordance with political morality and philosophical ethics.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd",
journal = "Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu",
title = "Ronald Dvorkin - smisao objektivnog važenja vrednosnih sudova, Ronald Dworkin: The purpose of the objective truth of value judgments in morals and law",
pages = "115-79",
number = "1-4",
volume = "49",
url = "conv_4"
}

Vujadinović-Milinković, D.. (2001). Ronald Dvorkin - smisao objektivnog važenja vrednosnih sudova. in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd., 49(1-4), 79-115.
conv_4

Vujadinović-Milinković D. Ronald Dvorkin - smisao objektivnog važenja vrednosnih sudova. in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu. 2001;49(1-4):79-115.
conv_4 .

Vujadinović-Milinković, Dragica, "Ronald Dvorkin - smisao objektivnog važenja vrednosnih sudova" in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu, 49, no. 1-4 (2001):79-115,
conv_4 .